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The GERMANIA and AGRICOLA

Of

Caius Cornelius Tacitus

With Notes for Colleges

By W. S. Tyler

Professor of the Greek and Latin Languages in Amherst College

PREFACE.

This edition of the Germania and Agricola of Tacitus is designed to meet
the following wants, which, it is believed, have been generally felt by
teachers and pupils in American Colleges.

1. A Latin text, approved and established by the essential concurrence of
   all the more recent editors. The editions of Tacitus now in use in this
   country abound in readings purely conjectural, adopted without due regard
   to the peculiarities of the author, and in direct contravention of the
   critical canon, that, other things being equal, the more difficult
   reading is the more likely to be genuine. The recent German editions
   labor to exhibit and explain, so far as possible, the reading of the best
   MSS.

2. A more copious illustration of the grammatical constructions, also of
   the rhetorical and poetical usages peculiar to Tacitus, without
   translating, however, to such an extent as to supersede the proper
   exertions of the student. Few books require so much illustration of this
   kind, as the Germania and Agricola of Tacitus; few have received more in
   Germany, yet few so little here. In a writer so concise and abrupt as
   Tacitus, it has been deemed necessary to pay particular regard to the
   connexion of thought, and to the particles, as the hinges of that
   connexion.

3. A comparison of the writer and his cotemporaries with authors of the
   Augustan age, so as to mark concisely the changes which had been already
   wrought in the language and taste of the Roman people. It is chiefly with
   a view to aid such a comparison, that it has been thought advisable to
   prefix a Life of Tacitus, which is barren indeed of personal incidents,
   but which it is hoped may serve to exhibit the author in his relation to
   the history, and especially to the literature, of his age.

4. The department in which less remained to be done than any other, for
   the elucidation of Tacitus, was that of Geography, History, and
   Archaeology. The copious notes of Gordon and Murphy left little to be
   desired in this line; and these notes are not only accessible to American
   scholars in their original forms, but have been incorporated, more or
   less, into all the college editions. If any peculiar merit attaches to
   this edition, in this department, it will be found in the frequent
   references to such classic authors as furnish collateral information, and
   in the illustration of the private life of the Romans, by the help of
   such recent works as Becker's Gallus. The editor has also been able to
   avail himself of Sharon Turner's History of the Anglo Saxons, which sheds
   not a little light on the manners of the Germans.

5. Many of the ablest commentaries on the Germania and Agricola have
   appeared within a comparatively recent period, some of them remarkable
   examples of critical acumen and exegetical tact, and others, models of
   school and college editions. It has been the endeavor of the editor to
   bring down the literature pertaining to Tacitus to the present time, and
   to embody in small compass the most valuable results of the labors of
   such recent German editors as Grimm, Günther, Gruber, Kiessling, Dronke,
   Roth, Ruperti, and Walther.

The text is, in the main, that of Walther, though the other editors just
named have been consulted; and in such minor differences as exist between
them, I have not hesitated to adopt the reading which seemed best to
accord with the usage and genius of Tacitus, especially when sanctioned
by a decided preponderance of critical suffrage. Other readings have been
referred to in the Notes, so far as they are of any considerable
importance, or supported by respectable authority. Partly for
convenience, but chiefly as a matter of taste, I have ventured to follow
the German editions in dispensing entirely with diacritical marks, and in
some peculiarities of less importance, which if not viewed with favor, it
is hoped, will not be judged with severity. The punctuation is the result
of a diligent comparison of the best editions, together with a careful
study of the connexion of language and of thought.

The German editions above mentioned, together with several French,
English, and American works, have not only been constantly before me, but
have been used with great freedom, and credit awarded to them
accordingly. Some may think their names should have appeared less
frequently; others that they should have received credit to a still
greater extent. Suffice it to say, I have never intended to quote the
language, or borrow the thoughts of an author, without giving his name;
and in matters of fact or opinion, I have cited authorities not only when
I have been indebted to them for the suggestion, but whenever, in a case
of coincidence of views, I thought the authorities would be of any
interest to the student.

I have not considered it needful, with German scrupulosity, to
distinguish between my own references and those of others. It may safely
be taken for granted, that the major, perhaps the better, part of them
have been derived from foreign sources. But no references have been
admitted on trust. They have been carefully verified, and it is hoped
that numerous as they are, they will be found pertinent and useful,
whether illustrative of things, or of mere verbal usage. Some, who use
the book, will doubtless find occasion to follow them out either in whole
or in part; and those who do not, will gain a general impression as to
the sources from which collateral information may be obtained, that will
be of no small value.

The frequent references to the Notes of Professor Kingsley, will show the
estimation in which I hold them. Perhaps I have used them too freely. My
only apology is, that so far as they go, they are just what is wanted;
and if I had avoided using them to a considerable extent, I must have
substituted something less perfect of my own. Had they been more copious,
and extended more to verbal and grammatical illustrations, these Notes
never would have appeared.

The editor is convinced, from his experience as a teacher, that the
student of Tacitus will not master the difficulties, or appreciate the
merits, of so peculiar an author, unless his peculiarities are distinctly
pointed out and explained. Indeed, the student, in reading any classic
author, needs, not to be carried along on the broad shoulders of an
indiscriminate translator, but to be guided at every step in learning his
lessons, by a judicious annotator, who will remove his difficulties, and
aid his progress; who will point out to him what is worthy of attention,
and guard him against the errors to which he is constantly exposed; for
first impressions are lively and permanent, and the errors of the study,
even though corrected in the recitation, not unfrequently leave an
impression on the mind which is never effaced.

Besides the aid derived from books, to which the merit of this edition,
if it have any merit, will be chiefly owing, the editor takes this
opportunity to acknowledge his many obligations to those professors and
other literary gentlemen, who have extended to him assistance and
encouragement. To Prof. H. B. Hackett, of Newton Theological Seminary,
especially, he is indebted for favors, which, numerous and invaluable in
themselves, as the results of a singularly zealous and successful
devotion to classical learning, are doubly grateful as the tokens of a
personal friendship, which began when we were members of the same class
in college. The work was commenced at his suggestion, and has been
carried forward with his constant advice and co-operation. His ample
private library, and, through his influence, the library of the Seminary,
have been placed at my disposal; and the notes passed under his eye and
were improved in not a few particulars, at his suggestion, though he is
in no way responsible for their remaining imperfections. I have also
received counsel and encouragement in all my labors from my esteemed
colleague, Prof. N. W. Fiske, whose instructions in the same department
which has since been committed to my charge, first taught me to love the
Greek and Latin classics. I have only to regret that his ill health and
absence from the country have prevented me from deriving still greater
advantages from his learning and taste. An unforeseen event has, in like
manner, deprived me of the expected cooperation of Prof. Lyman Coleman,
now of Nassau Hall College in N. J., in concert with whom this work was
planned, and was to have been executed, and on whose ripe scholarship,
and familiarity with the German language and literature, I chiefly relied
for its successful accomplishment.

I should not do justice to my feelings, were I to omit the expression of
my obligations to the printer and publishers for the unwearied patience
with which they have labored to perfect the work, under all the
disadvantages attending the superintendance of the press, at such a
distance. If there should still be found in it inaccuracies and
blemishes, it will not be because they have spared any pains to make it a
correct and beautiful book.

It is with unfeigned diffidence that I submit to the public this first
attempt at literary labor. I am fully sensible of its many imperfections,
at the same time I am conscious of an ability to make it better at some
future day, should it meet the favorable regard of the classical teachers
of our land, to whom it is dedicated as an humble contribution to that
cause in which they are now laboring, with such unprecedented zeal.
Should it contribute in any measure to a better understanding, or a
higher appreciation by our youthful countrymen of a classic author, from
whom, beyond almost any other, I have drawn instruction and delight, I
shall not have labored in vain.

Amherst College, June 1, 1847.

PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION

The text of this edition has been carefully revised and compared with
those of Döderlein, Halle, 1847, Orelli, Zurich, 1848, and Ritter, Bonn
and Cambridge, 1848. The notes also have been re-examined and, to a
considerable extent, re-written; partly to correspond with the progress
of my own mind, partly in accordance with suggestions derived from the
above named editions, and from friendly criticisms either by letter or in
the public journals. Among the journals, I am particularly indebted to
the Bibliotheca Sacra and the New-Englander; and for communications by
letter, I am under especial obligations to Professors Crosby and Sanborn
of Dartmouth College, Robbins of Middlebury, and Lincoln of Brown
University.

In revising the geography of the Germania, I have consulted, without
however entering much into detail, Ukert's invaluable treatise on the
Geography of the Greeks and Romans, whose volume on Germany contains a
translation and running commentary on almost the entire work of Tacitus.
Particular attention has been paid to the ethnology of the tribes and
nations, in reference to whose origin and early history Tacitus is among
the best authorities. In this department the works of Prichard and Latham
have been my chief reliance. Grimm and Zeuss, though often referred to, I
regret to say I have been able to consult only at second hand.

In sending out this revised edition of these most delightful treatises of
an author, in the study of whose works I never tire, I cannot but express
the hope, that it has been not a little improved by these alterations and
additions, while it will be found to have lost none of the essential
features by which the first edition was commended to so good a measure of
public favor.

W. S. Tyler.

Amherst, May, 1852

LIFE OF TACITUS.

It is the office of genius and learning, as of light, to illustrate
other things, and not itself. The writers, who, of all others perhaps,
have told us most of the world, just as it has been and is, have told us
least of themselves. Their character we may infer, with more or less
exactness, from their works, but their history is unwritten and must for
ever remain so. Homer, though, perhaps, the only one who has been argued
out of existence, is by no means the only one whose age and birthplace
have been disputed. The native place of Tacitus is mere matter of
conjecture. His parentage is not certainly known. The time of his birth
and the year of his death are ascertained only by approximation, and very
few incidents are recorded in the history of his life; still we know the
period in which he lived, the influences under which his character was
developed and matured, and the circumstances under which he wrote his
immortal works. In short, we know his times, though we can scarcely
gather up enough to denominate his life; and the times in which an author
lived, are often an important, not to say, essential means of elucidating
his writings.

CAIUS CORNELIUS TACITUS was born in the early part of the reign of Nero,
and near the middle of the first century in the Christian Era. The
probability is, that he was the son of Cornelius Tacitus, a man of
equestrian rank, and procurator of Belgic Gaul under Nero; that he was
born at Interamna in Umbria, and that he received a part of his education
at Massilia (the modern Marseilles), which was then the Athens of the
West, a Grecian colony, and a seat of truly Grecian culture and
refinement. It is not improbable that he enjoyed also the instructions of
Quintilian, who for twenty years taught at Rome that pure and manly
eloquence, of which his Institutes furnish at once such perfect rules,
and so fine an example. If we admit the Dialogue de Claris Oratoribus to
be the work of Tacitus, his beau-idéal of the education proper for an
orator was no less comprehensive, no less elevated, no less liberal, than
that of Cicero himself; and if his theory of education was, like
Cicero's, only a transcript of his own education, he must have been
disciplined early in all the arts and sciences--in all the departments
of knowledge which were then cultivated at Rome; a conclusion in which we
are confirmed also by the accurate and minute acquaintance which he
shows, in his other works, with all the affairs, whether civil or
military, public or private, literary or religious, both of Greece and
Rome.

The boyhood and youth of Tacitus did, indeed, fall on evil times.
Monsters in vice and crime had filled the throne, till their morals and
manners had infected those of all the people. The state was distracted,
and apparently on the eve of dissolution. The public taste, like the
general conscience, was perverted. The fountains of education were
poisoned. Degenerate Grecian masters were inspiring their Roman pupils
with a relish for a false science, a frivolous literature, a vitiated
eloquence, an Epicurean creed, and a voluptuous life.

But with sufficient discernment to see the follies and vices of his age,
and with sufficient virtue to detest them, Tacitus must have found his
love of wisdom and goodness, of liberty and law, strengthened by the
very disorders and faults of the times. If the patriot ever loves a
well-regulated freedom, it will be in and after the reign of a tyrant,
preceded or followed by what is still worse, anarchy. If the pure and the
good ever reverence purity and goodness, it will be amid the general
prevalence of vice and crime. If the sage ever pants after wisdom, it is
when the fountains of knowledge have become corrupted. The reigns of Nero
and his immediate successors were probably the very school, of all
others, to which we are most indebted for the comprehensive wisdom, the
elevated sentiments, and the glowing eloquence of the biographer of
Agricola, and the historian of the Roman Empire. His youth saw, and felt,
and deplored the disastrous effects of Nero's inhuman despotism, and of
the anarchy attending the civil wars of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius. His
manhood saw, and felt, and exulted in the contrast furnished by the
reigns of Vespasian and Titus, though the sun of the latter too soon went
down, in that long night of gloom, and blood, and terror, the tyranny of
Domitian. And when, in the reigns of Nerva and Trajan, he enjoyed the
rare felicity of thinking what he pleased, and speaking what he thought,
he was just fitted in the maturity of his faculties, and the extent of
his observation and reflections, "to enroll slowly, year after year, that
dreadful reality of crimes and sufferings, which even dramatic horror, in
all its license of wild imagination, can scarcely reach, the long
unvarying catalogue of tyrants and executioners, and victims that return
thanks to the gods and die, and accusers rich with their blood, and more
mighty as more widely hated, amid the multitudes of prostrate slaves,
still looking whether there may not yet have escaped some lingering
virtue which it may be a merit to destroy, and having scarcely leisure to
feel even the agonies of remorse in the continued sense of the
precariousness of their own gloomy existence." [Brown's Philosophy of the
Mind.]

Tacitus was educated for the bar, and continued to plead causes,
occasionally at least, and with not a little success, even after he had
entered upon the great business of his life, as a writer of history. We
find references to his first, and perhaps his last appearance, as an
advocate, in the Letters of Pliny, which are highly complimentary. The
first was, when Pliny was nineteen, and Tacitus a little older (how much
we are not informed), when Tacitus distinguished himself, so as to awaken
the emulation and the envy, though not in a bad sense, of Pliny. The last
was some twenty years later, when Tacitus and Pliny, the tried friends of
a whole life, the brightest ornaments of literature and of the forum,
were associated by the choice of the Senate, and pleaded together at
the bar of the Senate, and in the presence of the Emperor Trajan, for
the execution of justice upon Marius Priscus, who was accused of
maladministration in the proconsulship of Africa. Pliny says, that
Tacitus spoke with singular gravity and eloquence, and the Senate passed
a unanimous vote of approbation and thanks to both the orators, for the
ability and success with which they had managed the prosecution (Plin.
Epis. ii. 11)

We have also the comments of Pliny on a panegyrical oration, which
Tacitus pronounced, when consul, upon his predecessor in the consular
office, Verginius Rufus, perhaps the most remarkable man of his age,
distinguished alike as a hero, a statesman, and a scholar, and yet so
modest or so wise that he repeatedly refused the offer of the imperial
purple. "Fortune," says Pliny, "always faithful to Verginius, reserved
for her last favor, such an orator to pronounce a eulogium on such
virtues. It was enough to crown the glory of a well spent life" (Plin.
Epis. ii. 1).

The speeches in the historical works of Tacitus, though rather concise
and abstract for popular orations, are full of force and fire. Some of
them are truly Demosthenic in their impassioned and fiery logic. The
speech of Galgacus before the Briton army, when driven into the extremity
of Caledonia by the Romans under Agricola, can hardly be surpassed for
patriotic sentiments, vigorous reasoning, and burning invective. The
address of Germanicus to his mutinous soldiers (in the Annals) is not
less remarkable for tender pathos. The sage and yet soldierlike address
of the aged Galba to his adopted son Piso, the calm and manly speech of
Piso to the body guard, the artful harangue of the demagogue Otho to his
troops, the no less crafty address of Mucianus to Vespasian, the headlong
rapidity of Antonius' argument for immediate action, the plausible plea
of Marcellus Eprius against the honest attack of Helvidius Priscus, and
the burning rebukes of the intrepid Vocula to his cowardly and
treacherous followers--all these, in the Histories, show no ordinary
degree of rhetorical skill and versatility. Indeed, the entire body of
his works is animated with the spirit of the orator, as it is tinged also
with the coloring of the poet. For this reason, they are doubtless
deficient in the noble simplicity of the earlier classical histories; but
for the same reason they may be a richer treasure for the professional
men at least of modern times.

Of his marriage with the daughter of Agricola, and its influence on his
character and prospects, as also of his passing in regular gradation
through the series of public honors at Rome, beginning with the
quaestorship under Vespasian, and ending with the consulship under Nerva,
Tacitus informs us himself (A. 9, His. i. 1), barely alluding to them,
however, in the general, and leaving all the details to mere conjecture.
We learn to our surprise, that he not only escaped the jealousy of the
tyrant Domitian, but was even promoted by him to the office of
Quindecimvir and Praetor (Ann. ii. 11). Beyond these vague notices, we
know little or nothing of his course of life, except that Pliny says
(Epist. iv. 13), he was much esteemed by the learned and the great at
Rome, who went in crowds to his levees. Of the time of his death, we can
only conjecture, that he died before the Emperor Trajan, but after his
friend Pliny--the former, because, had he outlived the Emperor, he would
probably have executed his purpose of writing the history of his reign
(His. i. 1); the latter, because, if he had not survived his friend,
Pliny, who lamented the death of so many others, would not have failed to
pay the last tribute to the memory of Tacitus.

It is generally admitted, though without direct testimony, that Tacitus
died not without issue. That excellent prince, M. Claudius Tacitus,
deduced his pedigree from the historian, and ordered his image to be set
up, and a complete collection of his works to be placed in the public
archives, with a special direction that twelve copies should be made
every year at the public expense. It is greatly to be regretted that such
praiseworthy precautions should have failed to preserve for us that
treasure entire!

The age of Tacitus is usually styled the silver age of Roman Literature;
and it merits no higher title, when compared with the golden age of
Augustus. It was the good fortune of Augustus to gain the supremacy at
Rome, when society had reached its maximum of refinement, and was just
ready to enter upon its stage of corruption and decline. Hence his name
is identified with that proud era in literature, in producing which he
bore at best only an accidental and secondary part. In the literature of
the Augustan age, we admire the substance of learning and philosophy
without the show, the cultivation of taste without the parade of
criticism, the fascination of poetry without its corruption, and the use
of eloquence without its abuse. Grecian refinement was no longer
despised; Grecian effeminacy had not yet prevailed. The camp was not now
the home of the Romans; neither were the theatres and the schools. They
had ceased to be a nation of soldiers, and had not yet become a nation of
slaves. At no other period could Rome have had her Cicero, her Livy, and
her Virgil.

The silver age produced no men who "attained unto these first three." But
there are not wanting other bright names to associate with Tacitus,
though most of them lived a little earlier than he. There was Seneca, the
Philosopher, whose style, with its perpetual antitheses, is the very
worst of the age, but his sentiments, perhaps more or less under the
influence of Christianity, approach nearer to the Christian code of
morals than those of any other Latin author. There were Martial and
Juvenal, whose satires made vice tremble in its high places, and helped
to confer on the Romans the honor of originating one species of literary
composition, unknown to the Greeks. There were Suetonius and Plutarch;
the one natural, simple, and pure in his style, far beyond his age, but
without much depth or vigor of thought; the other involved and affected
in his manner, but in his matter of surpassing richness and incalculable
worth. There was the elder Pliny, a prodigy of learning and industry,
whose researches in Natural History cost him his life, in that fatal
eruption of Vesuvius which buried Herculaneum and Pompeii. There was also
the judicious Quintilian, at once neat and nervous in his language,
delicate and correct in his criticisms, a man of genius and a scholar, a
teacher and an exemplar of eloquence. Finally, there were the younger
Pliny and Tacitus, rival candidates for literary and professional
distinction, yet cherishing for each other the most devoted and
inviolable attachment, each viewing the other as the ornament of their
country, each urging the other to write the history of their age, and
each relying chiefly on the genius of the other for his own immortality
(Plin. Epis. vii. 33). Their names were together identified by their
contemporaries with the literature of the age of Trajan: "I never was
touched with a more sensible pleasure," says Pliny, in one of his
beautiful Letters [Eleven of these are addressed to Tacitus, and two
or three are written expressly for the purpose of furnishing materials
for his history.] (which rival Cicero's in epistolary ease and
elegance), "than by an account which I lately received from Cornelius
Tacitus. He informed me, that at the last Circensian Games, he sat next
a stranger, who, after much discourse on various topics of learning,
asked him whether he was an Italian or a Provincial. Tacitus replied,
'Your acquaintance with literature must have informed you who I am.'
'Aye,' said the man, 'is it then Tacitus or Pliny I am talking with?' I
cannot express how highly I am pleased to find, that our names are not
so much the proper appellations of individuals, as a designation of
learning itself" (Plin. Epis. ix. 23). Critics are not agreed to which
of these two literary friends belongs the delicate encomium of
Quintilian, when, after enumerating the principal writers of the day,
he adds, "There is another ornament of the age, who will deserve the
admiration of posterity. I do not mention him at present; his name will
be known hereafter." Pliny, Tacitus, and Quintilian, are also rival
candidates for the honor of having written the Dialogue de Claris
Oratoribus, one of the most valuable productions in ancient criticism.

As a writer, Tacitus was not free from the faults of his age. The native
simplicity of Greek and Latin composition had passed away. An affected
point and an artificial brilliancy were substituted in their place. The
rhetoric and philosophy of the schools had infected all the departments
of literature. Simple narrative no longer suited the pampered taste of
the readers or the writers of history. It must be highly seasoned with
sentimentalism and moralizing, with romance and poetry. Tacitus,
certainly, did not escape the infection. In the language of Macaulay, "He
carries his love of effect far beyond the limits of moderation. He tells
a fine story finely, but he cannot tell a plain story plainly. He
stimulates, till stimulants lose their power." [See a fine article on
history, Ed. Her., 1828. Also in Macaulay's Miscellanies.] We have taken
occasion in the notes to point out not a few examples of rhetorical
pomp, and poetical coloring, and even needless multiplication of words,
where plainness and precision would have been much better, and which
may well surprise us in a writer of so much conciseness. Lord Monboddo,
in a very able, though somewhat extravagant critique on Tacitus, has
selected numerous instances of what he calls the ornamented dry style,
many of which are so concise, so rough, and so broken, that he says,
they do not deserve the name of composition, but seem rather like the
raw materials of history, than like history itself (Orig. and Prog.
of Lang., vol iii. chap. 12).

Still, few readers can fail to pronounce Tacitus, as Macaulay affirms,
and even Lord Monboddo admits him to be, the greatest of Latin
historians, superior to Thucydides himself in the moral painting of his
best narrative scenes, and in the delineation of character without a
rival among historians, with scarcely a superior among dramatists and
novelists. The common style of his narrative is, indeed, wanting in
simplicity, and sometimes in perspicuity. He does not deal enough in the
specific and the picturesque, the where, the when and the how. But when
his subject comes up to the grandeur of his conceptions, and the strength
of his language, his descriptions are graphic and powerful. No battle
scenes are more grand and terrific than those of Tacitus. Military men
and scholars have also remarked their singular correctness and
definiteness. The military evolutions, the fierce encounter, the doubtful
struggle, the alternations of victory and defeat, the disastrous rout and
hot pursuit, the carnage and blood, are set forth with the warrior's
accuracy and the poet's fire; while, at the same time, the conflicting
passions and emotions of the combatants are discerned, as it were, by the
eye of a seer--their hidden springs of action, and the lowest depths of
their hearts laid bare, as if by the wand of a magician. In the painting
of large groups, in the moral portraiture of vast bodies of men under
high excitement and in strenuous exertion, we think that Tacitus far
surpasses all other historians. Whether it be a field of battle or a
captured city, a frightened senate or a flattering court, a mutiny or a
mob, that he describes, we not only see in a clear and strong light the
outward actions, but we look into the hearts of all the mixed multitude,
and gaze with wonder on the changing emotions and conflicting passions by
which they are agitated.

His delineations of individual character are also marked by the same
profound insight into the human soul. Like the old Latin Poet, he might
have said,

"Homo sum; nihil _humani_ a me alienum puto."

There is scarcely a landscape picture in his whole gallery. It is full of
portraits of men, in groups and as individuals, every grade of
condition, every variety of character, performing all kinds of actions,
exhibiting every human passion, the colors laid on with a bold hand, the
principal features presented in a strong light, the minuter strokes
omitted, the soft and delicate finish despised. We feel, that we have
gained not a little insight into the character of those men, who are
barely introduced in the extant books of Tacitus, but whose history is
given in the books that are lost. Men of inferior rank even, who appear
on the stage only for a short time, develope strongly marked characters,
which are drawn with dramatic distinctness and power, while yet the
thread of history is never broken, the dignity of history never
sacrificed. And those Emperors, whose history is preserved entire,--with
them we feel acquainted, we know the controlling principles, as well as
the leading events of their lives, and we feel sure that we could predict
how they would act, under almost any imaginable circumstances.

In a faithful portraiture of the private and public life of the
degenerate Romans, there was much to call for the hand of a master in
satire. And we find in the glowing sketches of our author, all the
vigor and point of a Juvenal, without his vulgarity and obscenity; all
the burning indignation which the Latin is so peculiarly capable of
expressing, with all the vigor and stateliness by which the same language
is equally characterized. Tacitus has been sometimes represented as a
very Diogenes, for carping and sarcasm--a very Aristophanes, to blacken
character with ridicule and reproach. But he is as far removed from the
cynic or the buffoon, as from the panegyrist or the flatterer. He is not
the indiscriminate admirer that Plutarch was. Nor is he such a universal
hater as Sallust. It is the fault of the times that he is obliged to deal
so much in censure. If there ever were perfect monsters on earth, such
were several of the Roman Emperors. Yet Tacitus describes few, if any, of
them without some of the traits of humanity. He gives us in his history
neither demons nor gods, but veritable men and women. In this respect, as
also in his descriptions of battles, Tacitus is decidedly superior to
Livy. The characters of Livy are distinguishable only as classes--the
good all very good, the bad very bad, the indifferent very indifferent.
You discover no important difference between a Fabius and a Marcellus,
further than it lies on the face of their actions. In Tacitus, the
characters are all individuals. Each stands out distinctly from the
surrounding multitude, and not only performs his own proper actions, but
is governed by his own peculiar motives. Livy places before us the
statues of heroes and gods; Tacitus conducts us through the crowd of
living men.

In an attempt to sketch the most striking features of Tacitus, as a
writer, no critic can omit to mention his sage and pithy maxims.
Apothegms abound on every page--sagacious, truthful, and profound in
sentiment, in style concise, antithetic and sententious. Doubtless he is
excessively fond of pointed antithesis. Perhaps he is too much given to
moralizing and reflection. It was, as we have said, the fault of his age.
But no one, who is familiar with Seneca, will severely censure Tacitus.
He will only wonder that he should have risen so far above the faults of
his contemporaries. Indeed, Tacitus interweaves his reflections with so
much propriety, and clothes his apothegms with so much dignity--he is so
manifestly competent to instruct the world by maxims, whether in civil,
social, or individual life, that we are far from wishing he had indulged
in it less. His reflections do not interrupt the thread of his narrative.
They grow naturally out of his incidents. They break forth spontaneously
from the lips of his men. His history is indeed philosophy teaching by
examples; and his pithy sayings are truly lessons of wisdom, embodied in
the form most likely to strike the attention, and impress the memory. We
should love to see a collection of apothegms from the pen of Tacitus. It
would make an admirable book of laconics. No book would give you more
ideas in fewer words. Nowhere could you gain so much knowledge, and lose
so little time. The reader of Tacitus, who will study him with pen in
hand, to mark, or refer to the most striking passages, will soon find
himself master of a text book in moral and political science, we might
say a text book in human nature, singularly concise and sententious, and
what is not always true even of concise and sententious writers, as
singularly wise and profound. In such a book, many of the speeches
would find a place entire; for many of them are little else than a series
of condensed, well-timed, and most instructive apothegms. [E.g. the
speech of Galba to Piso. His. i. 15, 16.]

But the scholar, who is on the lookout, will find lurking in every
section, and almost every sentence, some important truth in morals, in
politics, in the individual or social nature of man. Neither the editor
nor the teacher can be expected to develope these sentiments, nor even,
in many instances, to point them out. That labor must be performed by the
scholar; and his will be the reward.

No hasty perusal, no single reading of Tacitus, will give a just
conception of the surpassing richness of his works. They must be studied
profoundly to be duly appreciated. They are a mine of wisdom, of vast
extent and unknown depth, whose treasures lie chiefly beneath the
surface, imbedded in the solid rock which must be entered with mining
implements, explored with strong lights, and its wealth brought up by
severe toil and sweat.

C. CORN. TACITUS

DE SITU, MORIBUS ET POPULIS GERMANIAE

BREVIARIUM LIBELLI.

Cap. 1. Germaniae situs: 2. incolae indigenae: auctores gentis: nominis
origo: Hercules. 3. Baritus: ara Ulixis. 4. Germani, gens sincera:
habitus corporum. 5. Terrae natura: non aurum, non argentum, nec
aestimatum. 6. Germanorum arma, equitatus, peditatus, ordo militiae: 7.
reges, duces, sacerdotes: 8. feminarum virtus et veneratio: Veleda:
Aurinia. 9. dii, sacra, simulacra nulla. 10. Auspicia, sortes: ex equis,
e captivo praesagia. 11. Consultationes publicae et conventus. 12.
Accusationes, poenae, jus redditum. 13. Scuto frameaque ornati juvenes,
principum comites: eorum virtus et fama. 14. Gentis bellica studia. 15.
In pace, venatio, otium: Collata principibus munera. 16. Urbes nullae:
vici, domus, specus suffugium hiemi et receptaculum frugibus. 17.
Vestitus hominum, feminarum. 18. Matrimonia severa: dos a marito oblata.
19. Pudicitia. Adulterii poena: Monogamia: Liberorum numerus non finitus.
20. Liberorum educatio: Successionis leges. 21. Patris, propinqui,
amicitiae, inimicitiaeque susceptae: homicidii pretium: Hospitalitas. 22.
Lotio, victus, ebriorum rixae: consultatio in conviviis. 23. Potus,
cibus. 24. Spectacula: aleae furor. 25. Servi, libertini. 26. Fenus
ignotum: Agricultura: Anni tempora. 27. Funera, sepulcra, luctus.

28. Singularum gentium instituta: Galli, olim valida gens, in Germaniam
    transgressi, Helvetii, Boii: Aravisci, Osi, incertum genus: Germanicae
    originis populi Treveri, Nervii, Vangiones, Triboci, Nemetes, Ubii. 29.
    Batavi, Cattorum proles: Mattiaci: Decumates agri. 30, 31. Cattorum
    regio, habitus, disciplina militaris; vota, virtutis incentiva. 32.
    Usipii, Tencteri, equitatu praestantes. 33. Bructerorum sedes, a Chamavis
    et Angrivariis occupatae. 34. Dulgibini: Chasvari: Frisii. 35. Chauci,
    pacis studio, justitia, et virtute nobiles. 36. Cherusci et Fosi, a
    Cattis victi. 37. Cimbrorum parva civitas, gloria ingens: Romanorum
    clades; Germani triumphati magis quam victi. 38. Suevorum numerus, mores.
29. Semnonum religio, victimae humanae 40. Longobardi: Reudigni: Aviones:
    Angli: Varini: Eudoses: Suardones: Nuithones: Herthae cultus communis.
30. Hermunduri. 42. Narisci: Marcomanni: Quadi. 43. Marsigni: Gothini:
    Osi: Burii: Lygiorum civitates, Arii, Helvecones, Manimi, Elysii,
    Naharvali; horum numen Alcis: Gotones: Rugii: Lemovii. 44. Suiones,
    classibus valentes. 45. Mare pigrum: Aestyi, Matris Deum cultores,
    succinum legunt: Sitonibus femina imperat. 46. Peucini, Venedi, Fenni,
    Germani, an Sarmatae? Eorum feritas, paupertas: Hominum monstra,
    Hellusii, Oxiones.

I. Germania omnis a Gallis Rhaetisque et Pannoniis Rheno et Danubio
fluminibus, a Sarmatis Dacisque mutuo metu aut montibus separatur: cetera
Oceanus ambit, latos sinus et insularum immensa spatia complectens, nuper
cognitis quibusdam gentibus ac regibus, quos bellum aperuit. Rhenus,
Rhaeticarum Alpium inaccesso ac praecipiti vertice ortus, modico flexu in
occidentem versus, septentrionali Oceano miscetur. Danubius, molli et
clementer edito montis Abnobae jugo effusus, plures populos adit, donec
in Ponticum mare sex meatibus erumpat: septimum os paludibus hauritur.

II. Ipsos Germanos indigenas crediderim, minimeque aliarum gentium
adventibus et hospitiis mixtos; quia nec terra olim, sed classibus
advehebantur, qui mutare sedes quaerebant, et immensus ultra, utque sic
dixerim, adversus Oceanus raris ab orbe nostro navibus aditur. Quis
porro, praeter periculum horridi et ignoti maris, Asia aut Africa aut
Italia relicta, Germaniam peteret, informem terris, asperam coelo,
tristem cultu aspectuque, nisi si patria sit? Celebrant carminibus
antiquis (quod unum apud illos memoriae et annalium genus est) Tuisconem
deum terra editum, et filium Mannum, originem gentis conditoresque. Manno
tres filios assignant, e quorum nominibus proximi Oceano Ingaevones,
medii Hermiones, ceteri Istaevones vocentur. Quidam autem, ut in licentia
vetustatis, plures deo ortos pluresque gentis appellationes, Marsos,
Gambrivios, Suevos, Vandalios, affirmant; eaque vera et antiqua nomina.
Ceterum Germaniae vocabulum recens et nuper additum; quoniam, qui primi
Rhenum transgressi Gallos expulerint, ac nunc Tungri, tunc Germani vocati
sint: ita nationis nomen, non gentis evaluisse paulatim, ut omnes primum
a victore ob metum, mox a seipsis invento nomine Germani vocarentur.

III. Fuisse apud eos et Herculem memorant, primumque omnium virorum
fortium ituri in proelia canunt. Sunt illis haec quoque carmina, quorum
relatu, quem baritum vocant, accendunt animos, futuraeque pugnae fortunam
ipso cantu augurantur: terrent enim trepidantve, prout sonuit acies. Nec
tam voces illae, quam virtutis concentus videntur. Affectatur praecipue
asperitas soni et fractum murmur, objectis ad os scutis, quo plenior et
gravior vox repercussu intumescat. Ceterum et Ulixem quidam opinantur
longo illo et fabuloso errore in hunc Occanum delatum, adisse Germaniae
terras, Asciburgiumque, quod in ripa Rheni situm hodieque incolitur, ab
illo constitutum nominatumque. Aram quin etiam Ulixi consecratam,
adjecto Laertae patris nomine, eodem loco olim repertam, monumentaque et
tumulos quosdam Graecis litteris inscriptos in confinio Germaniae
Rhaetiaeque adhuc exstare: quae neque confirmare argumentis, neque
refellere in animo est: ex ingenio suo quisque demat, vel addat fidem.

IV. Ipse eorum opinionibus accedo, qui Germaniae populos nullis aliis
aliarum nationum connubiis infectos propriam et sinceram et tantum sui
similem gentem exstitisse arbitrantur: unde habitus quoque corporum,
quanquam in tanto hominum numero, idem omnibus; truces et cacrulei
oculi, rutilae comae, magna corpora et tantum ad impetum valida; laboris
atque operum non eadem patientia: minimeque sitim aestumque tolerare,
frigora atque inediam coelo solove assueverunt.

V. Terra, etsi aliquanto specie differt, in universum tamen aut silvis
horrida aut paludibus foeda: humidior, qua Gallias; ventosior, qua
Noricum ac Pannoniam aspicit: satis ferax; frugiferarum arborum
impatiens: pecorum fecunda, sed plerumque improcera; ne armentis quidem
suus honor, aut gloria frontis: numero gaudent; eaeque solae et
gratissimae opes sunt. Argentum et aurum propitii an irati dii
aegaverint, dubito. Nec tamen affirmaverim, nullam Germaniae venam
argentum aurumve gignere: quis enim scrutatus est? possessione et usu
haud perinde afficiuntur. Est videre apud illos argentea vasa, legatis et
principibus eorum muneri data, non in alia vilitate, quam quae humo
finguntur quanquam proximi, ob usum commerciorum, aurum et argentum in
pretio habent, formasque quasdam nostrae pecuniae agnoscunt atque
eligunt: interiores simplicius et antiquius permutatione mercium utuntur.
Pecuniam probant veterem et diu notam, serratos bigatosque. Argentum
quoque, magis quam aurum sequuntur, nulla affectione animi, sed quia
numerus argenteorum facilior usui est promiscua ac vilia mercantibus.

VI. Ne ferrum quidem superest, sicut ex genere telorum colligitur. Rari
gladiis aut majoribus lanceis utuntur: hastas, vel ipsorum vocabulo
frameas gerunt, angusto et brevi ferro sed ita acri et ad usum habili, ut
eodem telo, prout ratio poscit, vel cominus vel eminus pugnent: et eques
quidem scuto frameaque contentus est: pedites et missilia spargunt, plura
singuli, atque in immensum vibrant, nudi aut sagulo leves. Nulla cultus
jactatio; scuta tantum lectissimis coloribus distinguunt: paucis loricae:
vix uni alterive cassis aut galea. Equi non forma, non velocitate
conspicui: sed nec variare gyros in morem nostrum docentur. In rectum,
aut uno flexu dextros agunt ita conjuncto orbe, ut nemo posterior sit. In
universum aestimanti, plus penes peditem roboris: eoque mixti
proeliantur, apta et congruente ad equestrem pugnam velocitate peditum,
quos ex omni juventute delectos ante aciem locant. Definitur et numerus:
centeni ex singulis pagis sunt: idque ipsum inter suos vocantur; et quod
primo numerus fuit, jam nomen et honor est. Acies per cuneos componitur.
Cedere loco, dummodo rursus instes, consilii quam formidinis arbitrantur.
Corpora suorum etiam in dubiis proeliis referunt. Scutum reliquisse,
praecipuum flagitium; nec aut sacris adesse, aut concilium inire,
ignominioso fas; multique superstites bellorum infamiam laqueo finierunt.

VII. Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtute sumunt. Nec regibus infinita
aut libera potestas: et duces exemplo potius, quam imperio, si prompti,
si conspicui, si ante aciem agant, admiratione praesunt. Ceterum neque
animadvertere neque vincire, ne verberare quidem, nisi sacerdotibus
permissum; non quasi in poenam, nec ducis jussu, sed velut deo imperante,
quem adesse bellantibus credunt: effigiesque et signa quaedam, detracta
lucis, in proelium ferunt. Quodque praecipuum fortitudinis incitamentum
est, non casus nec fortuita conglobatio turmam aut cuneum facit, sed
familiae et propinquitates, et in proximo pignora, unde feminarum
ululatus audiri, unde vagitus infantium: hi cuique sanctissimi testes, hi
maximi laudatores. Ad matres, ad conjuges vulnera ferunt; nec illae
numerare, aut exigere plagas pavent; cibosque et hortamina pugnantibus
gestant.

VIII. Memoriae proditur, quasdam acies, inclinatas jam et labantes, a
feminis restitutas, constantia precum et objectu pectorum et monstrata
cominus captivitate, quam longe impatientius feminarum suarum nomine
timent: adeo ut efficacius obligentur animi civitatum, quibus inter
obsides puellae quoque nobiles imperantur. Inesse quin etiam sanctum
aliquid et providum putant: nec aut consilia earum aspernantur, aut
responsa negligunt. Vidimus sub divo Vespasiano Veledam diu apud
plerosque numinis loco habitam. Sed et olim Auriniam et complures alias
venerati sunt non adulatione, nec tanquam facerent deas.

IX. Deorum maxime Mercurium colunt, cui certis diebus humanis quoque
hostiis litare fas habent. Herculem ac Martem concessis animalibus
placant: pars Suevorum et Isidi sacrificat. Unde causa et origo peregrino
sacro parum comperi, nisi quod signum ipsum, in modum liburnae figuratum,
docet advectam religionem. Ceterum nec cohibere parietibus deos, neque in
ullam humani oris speciem assimulare, ex magnitudine coelestium
arbitrantur: lucos ac nemora consecrant, deorumque nominibus appellant
secretum illud, quod sola reverentia vident.

X. Auspicia sortesque, ut qui maxime, observant. Sortium consuetudo
simplex: virgam, frugiferae arbori decisam, in surculos amputant, eosque,
notis quibusdam discretos, super candidam vestem temere ac fortuito
spargunt: mox, si publice consuletur, sacerdos civitatis, sin privatim,
ipse paterfamiliae, precatus deos coelumque suspiciens, ter singulos
tollit, sublatos secundum impressam ante notam interpretatur. Si
prohibuerunt, nulla de eadem re in eundem diem consultatio; sin
permissum, auspiciorum adhuc fides exigitur. Et illud quidem etiam hic
notum, avium voces volatusque interrogare: proprium gentis, equorum
quoque praesagia ac monitus experiri; publice aluntur iisdem nemoribus ac
lucis candidi et nullo mortali opere contacti: quos pressos sacro curru
sacerdos ac rex vel princeps civitatis comitantur, hinnitusque ac
fremitus observant. Nec ulli auspicio major fides non solum apud plebem,
sed apud proceres, apud sacerdotes; se enim ministros deorum, illos
conscios putant. Est et alia observatio auspiciorum, qua gravium bellorum
eventus explorant; ejus gentis, cum qua bellum est, captivum, quoquo modo
interceptum, cum electo popularium suorum, patriis quemque armis,
committunt: victoria hujus vel illius pro praejudicio accipitur.

XI. De minoribus rebus principes consultant; de majoribus omnes: ita
tamen, ut ea quoque, quorum penes plebem arbitrium est, apud principes
pertractentur. Coeunt, nisi quid fortuitum et subitum inciderit, certis
diebus, cum aut inchoatur luna aut impletur: nam agendis rebus hoc
auspicatissimum initium credunt. Nec dierum numerum, ut nos, sed noctium
computant. Sic constituunt, sic condicunt: nox ducere diem videtur. Illud
ex libertate vitium, quod non simul, nec ut jussi conveniunt, sed et
alter et tertius dies cunctatione coeuntium absumitur. Ut turbae placuit,
considunt armati. Silentium per sacerdotes, quibus tum et coercendi jus
est, imperatur. Mox rex vel princeps, prout aetas cuique, prout nobilitas,
prout decus bellorum, prout facundia est, audiuntur, auctoritate suadendi
magis, quam jubendi potestate. Si displicuit sententia, fremitu
aspernantur; sin placuit, frameas concutiunt. Honoratissimum assensus
genus est, armis laudare.

XII. Licet apud concilium accusare quoque et discrimen capitis intendere.
Distinctio poenarum ex delicto: proditores et transfugas arboribus
suspendunt; ignavos et imbelles et corpore infames coeno ac palude,
injecta insuper crate, mergunt. Diversitas supplicii illuc respicit,
tanquam scelera ostendi oporteat, dum puniuntur, flagitia abscondi. Sed
et levioribus delictis, pro modo poenarum, equorum pecorumque numero
convicti mulctantur: pars mulctae regi vel civitati, pars ipsi, qui
vindicatur, vel propinquis ejus exsolvitur. Eliguntur in iisdem conciliis
et principes, qui jura per pagos vicosque reddunt. Centeni singulis ex
plebe comites, consilium simul et auctoritas, adsunt.

XIII. Nihil autem neque publicae neque privatae rei, nisi armati agunt.
Sed arma sumere non ante cuiquam moris, quam civitas suffecturum
probaverit. Tum in ipso concilio, vel principum aliquis vel pater vel
propinquus scuto frameaque juvenem ornant: haec apud illos toga, hic
primus juventae honos: ante hoc domus pars videntur, mox reipublicae.
Insignis nobilitas, aut magna patrum merita, principis dignationem etiam
adolescentulis assignant: ceteris robustioribus ac jampridem probatis
aggregantur; nec rubor, inter comites aspici. Gradus quin etiam et ipse
comitatus habet judicio ejus, quem sectantur: magnaque et comitum
aemulatio, quibus primus apud principem suum locus, et principum, cui
plurimi et acerrimi comites. Haec dignitas, hae vires, magno semper
electorum juvenum globo circumdari, in pace decus, in bello praesidium.
Nec solum in sua gente cuique, sed apud finitimas quoque civitates id
nomen, ea gloria est, si numero ac virtute comitatus emineat: expetuntur
enim legationibus et muneribus ornantur et ipsa plerumque fama bella
profligant.

XIV. Cum ventum in aciem, turpe principi virtute vinci, turpe comitatui,
virtutem principis non adaequare. Jam vero infame in omnem vitam ac
probrosum, superstitem principi suo ex acie recessisse. Illum defendere,
tueri, sua quoque fortia facta gloriae ejus assignare, praecipuum
sacramentum est. Principes pro victoria pugnant; comites pro principe. Si
civitas, in qua orti sunt, longa pace et otio torpeat plerique nobilium
adolescentium petunt ultro eas nationes, quae tum bellum aliquod gerunt;
quia et ingrata genti quies, et facilius inter ancipitia clarescunt,
magnumque comitatum non nisi vi belloque tuentur: exigunt enim principis
sui liberalitate illum bellatorem equum, illam cruentam victricemque
frameam. Nam epulae et, quanquam incompti, largi tamen apparatus pro
stipendio cedunt: materia munificentiae per bella et raptus. Nec arare
terram, aut expectare annum, tam facile persuaseris, quam vocare hostes
et vulnera mereri. Pigrum quinimmo et iners videtur, sudore acquirere,
quod possis sanguine parare.

XV. Quotiens bella non ineunt, non multum venatibus, plus per otium
transigunt, dediti somno ciboque, fortissimus quisque ac bellicosissimus
nihil agens, delegata domus et penatium et agrorum cura feminis
senibusque et infirmissimo cuique ex familia: ipsi hebent; mira
diversitate naturae, cum iidem homines sic ament inertiam et oderint
quietem. Mos est civitatibus ultro ac viritim conferre principibus vel
armentorum vel frugum, quod pro honore acceptum, etiam necessitatibus
subvenit. Gaudent praecipue finitimarum gentium donis, quae non modo a
singulis, sed publice mittuntur: electi equi, magna arma, phalerae,
torquesque. Jam et pecuniam accipere docuimus.

XVI. Nullas Germanorum populis urbes habitari, satis notum est: ne pati
quidem inter se junctas sedes. Colunt discreti ac diversi, ut fons, ut
campus, ut nemus placuit. Vicos locant, non in nostrum morem, connexis et
cohaerentibus aedificiis: suam quisque domum spatio circumdat, sive
adversus casus ignis remedium, sive inscitia aedificandi. Ne caementorum
quidem apud illos aut tegularum usus: materia ad omnia utuntur informi et
citra speciem aut delectationem. Quaedam loca diligentius illinunt terra
ita pura ac splendente, ut picturam ac lineamenta colorum imitetur.
Solent et subterraneos specus aperire, eosque multo insuper fimo onerant,
suffugium hiemi et receptaculum frugibus: quia rigorem frigorum ejusmodi
locis molliunt: et, si quando hostis advenit, aperta populatur, abdita
autem et defossa aut ignorantur, aut eo ipso fallunt, quod quaerenda
sunt.

XVII. Tegumen omnibus sagum, fibula, aut, si desit, spina consertum:
cetera intecti totos dies juxta focum atque ignem agunt. Locupletissimi
veste distinguuntur, non fluitante, sicut Sarmatae ac Parthi, sed stricta
et singulos artus exprimente. Gerunt et ferarum pelles, proximi ripae
negligenter, ulteriores exquisitius, ut quibus nullus per commercia
cultus. Eligunt feras, et detracta velamina spargunt maculis pellibusque
belluarum, quas exterior Oceanus atque ignotum mare gignit. Nec alius
feminis quam viris habitus, nisi quod feminae saepius lineis amictibus
velantur, eosque purpura variant, partemque vestitus superioris in
manicas non extendunt, nudae brachia ac lacertos: sed et proxima pars
pectoris patet.

XVIII. Quanquam severa illic matrimonia; nec ullam morum partem magis
laudaveris: nam prope soli barbarorum singulis uxoribus contenti sunt,
exceptis admodum paucis, qui non libidine, sed ob nobilitatem, plurimis
nuptiis ambiuntur, Dotem non uxor marito, sed uxori maritus offert.
Intersunt parentes et propinqui, ac munera probant: munera non ad
delicias muliebres quaesita, nec quibus nova nupta comatur: sed boves et
frenatum equum et scutum cum framea gladioque. In haec munera uxor
accipitur: atque invicem ipsa armorum aliquid viro affert: hoc maximum
vinculum, haec arcana sacra, hos conjugales deos arbitrantur. Ne se
mulier extra virtutum cogitationes extraque bellorum casus putet, ipsis
incipientis matrimonii auspiciis admonetur, venire se laborum
periculorumque sociam, idem in pace, idem in proelio passuram ausuramque:
hoc juncti boves, hoc paratus equus, hoc data arma denuntiant; sic
vivendum, sic pereundum: accipere se, quae liberis inviolata ac digna
reddat, quae nurus accipiant rursus, quae ad nepotes referantur.

XIX. Ergo septa pudicitia agunt, nullis spectaculorum illecebris, nullis
conviviorum irritationibus corruptae. Litterarum secreta viri pariter ac
feminae ignorant. Paucissima in tam numerosa gente adulteria; quorum
poena praesens et maritis permissa. Accisis crinibus, nudatam, coram
propinquis, expellit domo maritus, ac per omnem vicum verbere agit:
publicatae enim pudicitiae nulla venia: non forma, non aetate, non opibus
maritum invenerit. Neme enim illic vitia ridet: nec corrumpere et
corrumpi saeculum vocatur. Melius quidem adhuc eae civitates, in quibus
tantum virgines nubunt, et cum spe votoque uxoris semel transigitur. Sic
unum accipiunt maritum, quo modo unum corpus unamque vitam, ne ulla
cogitatio ultra, ne longior cupiditas, ne tanquam maritum, sed tanquam
matrimonium ament. Numerum liberorum finire, aut quenquam ex agnatis
necare, flagitium habetur: plusque ibi boni mores valent, quam alibi
bonae leges.

XX. In omni domo nudi ac sordidi, in hos artus, in haec corpora, quae
miramur, excrescunt. Sua quemque mater uberibus alit, nec ancillis ac
nutricibus delegantur. Dominum ac servum nullis educationis deliciis
dignoscas: inter eadem pecora, in eadem humo degunt; donec aetas separet
ingenuos, virtus agnoscat. Sera juvenum Venus; eoque inexhausta pubertas:
nec virgines festinantur; eadem juventa, similis proceritas: pares
validaeque miscentur; ac robora parentum liberi referunt. Sororum filiis
idem apud avunculum, qui ad patrem honor. Quidam sanctiorem arctioremque
hunc nexum sanguinis arbitrantur, et in accipiendis obsidibus magis
exigunt; tanquam et in animum firmius, et domum latius teneant. Heredes
tamen successoresque sui cuique liberi: et nullum testamentum. Si liberi
non sunt, proximus gradus in possessione fratres, patrui, avunculi.
Quanto plus propinquorum, quo major affinium numerus, tanto gratiosior
senectus, nec ulla orbitatis pretia.

XXI. Suscipere tam inimicitias, seu patris, seu propinqui, quam
amicitias, necesse est: nec implacabiles durant. Luitur enim etiam
homicidium certo armentorum ac pecorum numero, recipitque satisfactionem
universa domus: utiliter in publicum; quia periculosiores sunt
inimicitiae juxta libertatem. Convictibus et hospitiis non alia gens
effusius indulget. Quemcunque mortalium arcere tecto, nefas habetur: pro
fortuna quisque apparatis epulis excipit. Cum defecere, qui modo hospes
fuerat, monstrator hospitii et comes: proximam domum non invitati adeunt:
nec interest; pari humanitate accipiuntur. Notum ignotumque, quantum ad
jus hospitis, nemo discernit. Abeunti, si quid poposcerit, concedere
moris: et poscendi invicem eadem facilitas. Gaudent muneribus: sed nec
data imputant, nec acceptis obligantur. Victus inter hospites comis.

XXII. Statim e somno, quem plerumque in diem extrahunt, lavantur, saepius
calida, ut apud quos plurimum hiems occupat. Lauti cibum capiunt:
separatae singulis sedes et sua cuique mensa: tum ad negotia, nec minus
saepe ad convivia, procedunt armati. Diem noctemque continuare potando,
nulli probrum. Crebrae, ut inter vinolentos, rixae, raro conviciis,
saepius caede et vulneribus transiguntur. Sed et de reconciliandis
invicem inimicis et jungendis affinitatibus et asciscendis principibus,
de pace denique ac bello plerumque in conviviis consultant: tanquam nullo
magis tempore aut ad simplices cogitationes pateat animus, aut ad magnas
incalescat. Gens non astuta nec callida aperit adhuc secreta pectoris
licentia joci. Ergo detecta et nuda omnium mens postera die retractatur,
et salva utriusque temporis ratio est: deliberant, dum fingere nesciunt;
constituunt, dum errare non possunt.

XXIII. Potui humor ex hordeo aut frumento, in quandam similitudinem vini
corruptus. Proximi ripae et vinum mercantur. Cibi simplices; agrestia
poma, recens fera, aut lac concretum. Sine apparatu, sine blandimentis,
expellunt famem. Adversus sitim non eadem temperantia. Si indulseris
ebrietati suggerendo quantum concupiscunt, haud minus facile vitiis, quam
armis vincentur.

XXIV. Genus spectaculorum unum atque in omni coetu idem. Nudi juvenes,
quibus id ludicrum est, inter gladios se atque infestas frameas saltu
jaciunt. Exercitatio artem paravit, ars decorem: non in quaestum tamen
aut mercedem; quamvis audacis lasciviae pretium est voluptas spectantium.
Aleam, quod mirere, sobrii inter seria exercent tanta lucrandi perdendive
temeritate, ut, cum omnia defecerunt, extremo ac novissimo jactu de
libertate ac de corpore contendant. Victus voluntariam servitutem adit:
quamvis juvenior, quamvis robustior, alligari se ac venire patitur: ea
est in re prava pervicacia: ipsi fidem vocant. Servos conditionis hujus
per commercia tradunt, ut se quoque pudore victoriae exsolvant.

XXV. Ceteris servis, non in nostrum morem descriptis per familiam
ministeriis, utuntur. Suam quisque sedem, suos penates regit. Frumenti
modum dominus, aut pecoris aut vestis, ut colono, injungit: et servus
hactenus paret; cetera domus officia uxor ac liberi exsequuntur.
Verberare servum ac vinculis et opere coercere, rarum. Occidere solent,
non disciplina et severitate, sed impetu et ira, ut inimicum, nisi quod
impune. Liberti non multum supra servos sunt, raro aliquod momentum in
domo, nunquam in civitate; exceptis duntaxat iis gentibus, quae
regnantur: ibi enim et super ingenuos et super nobiles ascendunt: apud
ceteros impares libertini libertatis argumentum sunt.

XXVI. Fenus agitare et in usuras extendere, igno tum: ideoque magis
servatur, quam si vetitum esset. Agri pro numero cultorum ab universis in
vices occupantur, quos mox inter se secundum dignationem partiuntur:
facilitatem partiendi camporum spatia praestant. Arva per annos mutant:
et superest ager; nec enim cum ubertate et amplitudine soli labore
contendunt, ut pomaria conserant et prata separent et hortos rigent: sola
terrae seges imperatur. Unde annum quoque ipsum non in totidem digerunt
species hiems et ver et aestas intellectum ac vocabula habent autumni
perinde nomen ac bona ignorantur.

XXVII. Funerum nulla ambitio; id solum observatur, ut corpora clarorum
virorum certis lignis crementur. Struem rogi nec vestibus nec odoribus
cumulant: sua cuique arma, quorundam igni et equus adjicitur. Sepulcrum
caespes erigit; monumentorum arduum et operosum honorem, ut gravem
defunctis, aspernantur. Lamenta ac lacrimas cito, dolorem et tristitiam
tarde ponunt. Feminis lugere honestum est; viris meminisse. Haec in
commune de omnium Germanorum origine ac moribus accepimus: nunc
singularum gentium instituta ritusque, quatenus differant, quae nationes
e Germania in Gallias commigraverint, expediam.

XXVIII. Validiores olim Gallorum res fuisse, summus auctorum divus Julius
tradit: eoque credibile est etiam Gallos in Germaniam transgressos.
Quantulum enim amnis obstabat, quo minus, ut quaeque gens evaluerat,
occuparet permutaretque sedes, promiscuas adhuc et nulla regnorum
potentia divisas? Igitur inter Hercyniam sylvam Rhenumque et Moenum amnes
Helvetii, ulteriora Boii, Gallica utraque gens, tenuere. Manet adhuc
Boihemi nomen, signatque loci veterem memoriam, quamvis mutatis
cultoribus. Sed utrum Aravisci in Pannoniam ab Osis, Germanorum natione,
an Osi ab Araviscis in Germaniam commigraverint, cum eodem adhuc sermone,
institutis, moribus utantur, incertum est: quia, pari olim inopia ac
libertate, eadem utriusque ripae bona malaque erant. Treveri et Nervii
circa affectationem Germanicae originis ultro ambitiosi sunt, tanquam per
hanc gloriam sanguinis a similitudine et inertia Gallorum separentur.
Ipsam Rheni ripam haud dubie Germanorum populi colunt, Vangiones,
Triboci, Nemetes. Ne Ubii quidem, quanquam Romana colonia esse meruerint
ac libentius Agrippinenses conditoris sui nomine vocentur, origine
erubescunt, transgressi olim et experimento fidei super ipsam Rheni ripam
collocati, ut arcerent, non ut custodirentur.

XXIX. Omnium harum gentium virtute praecipui Batavi, non multum ex ripa,
sed insulam Rheni amnis colunt, Chattorum quondam populus et seditione
domestica in eas sedes transgressus, in quibus pars Romani imperii
fierent. Manet honos et antiquae societatis insigne: nam nec tributis
contemnuntur, nec publicanis atterit: exempti oneribus et collationibus
et tantum in usum proeliorum sepositi, velut tela atque arma, bellis
reservantur. Est in eodem obsequio et Mattiacorum gens; protulit enim
magnitudo populi Romani ultra Rhenum, ultraque veteres terminos, imperii
reverentiam. Ita sede finibusque in sua ripa, mente animoque nobiscum
agunt, cetera similes Batavis, nisi quod ipso adhuc terrae suae solo et
coelo acrius animantur. Non numeraverim inter Germaniae populos, quanquam
trans Rhenum Danubiumque consederint, eos, qui Decumates agros exercent.
Levissimus quisque Gallorum et inopia audax, dubiae possessionis solum
occupavere. Mox limite acto promotisque praesidiis, sinus imperii et pars
provinciae habentur.

XXX. Ultra hos Chatti initium sedis ab Hercynio saltu inchoant, non ita
effusis ac palustribus locis ut ceterae civitates, in quas Germania
patescit; durant siquidem colles, paulatim rarescunt, et Chattos suos
saltus Hercynius prosequitur simul atque deponit. Duriora genti corpora,
stricti artus, minax vultus et major animi vigor. Multum, ut inter
Germanos, rationis ac solertiae: praeponere electos, audire praepositos,
nosse ordines, intelligere occasiones, differre impetus, disponere diem,
vallare noctem, fortunam inter dubia, virtutem inter certa numerare:
quodque rarissimum nec nisi ratione disciplinae concessum, plus reponere
in duce, quam exercitu. Omne robur in pedite, quem, super arma,
ferramentis quoque et copiis onerant. Alios ad proelium ire videas,
Chattos ad bellum. Rari excursus et fortuita pugna; equestrium sane
virium id proprium, cito parare victoriam, cito cedere: velocitas juxta
formidinem, cunctatio propior constantiae est.

XXXI. Et aliis Germanorum populis usurpatum rara et privata cujusque
audentia apud Chattos in consensum vertit, ut primum adoleverint, crinem
barbamque submittere, nec, nisi hoste caeso, exuere votivum obligatumque
virtuti oris habitum. Super sanguinem et spolia revelant frontem, seque
tum demum pretia nascendi retulisse, dignosque patria ac parentibus
ferunt. Ignavis et imbellibus manet squalor. Fortissimus quisque ferreum
insuper annulum (ignominiosum id genti) velut vinculum gestat, donec se
caede hostis absolvat. Plurimis Chattorum hic placet habitus. Jamque
canent insignes, et hostibus simul suisque monstrati. Omnium penes hos
initia pugnarum: haec prima semper acies, visu nova; nam ne in pace
quidem vultu mitiore mansuescunt. Nulli domus aut ager aut aliqua cura:
prout ad quemque venere, aluntur: prodigi alieni, contemptores sui donec
exsanguis senectus tam durae virtuti impares faciat.

XXXII. Proximi Chattis certum jam alveo Rhenum, quique terminus esse
sufficiat, Usipii ac Tencteri colunt. Tencteri, super solitum bellorum
decus, equestris disciplinae arte praecellunt: nec major apud Chattos
peditum laus, quam Tencteris equitum. Sic instituere majores, posteri
imitantur; hi lusus infantium, haec juvenum aemulatio, perseverant senes
inter familiam et penates et jura successionum equi traduntur; excipit
filius, non, ut cetera, maximus natu, sed prout ferox bello et melior.

XXXIII. Juxta Tencteros Bructeri olim occurrebant: nunc Chamavos et
Angrivarios immigrasse narratur, pulsis Bructeris ac penitus excisis
vicinarum consensu nationum, seu superbiae odio, seu praedae dulcedine,
seu favore quodam erga nos deorum: nam ne spectaculo quidem proelii
invidere: super sexaginta millia, non armis telisque Romanis, sed, quod
magnificentius est, oblectationi oculisque ceciderunt. Maneat, quaeso,
duretque gentibus, si non amor nostri, at certe odium sui: quando,
urgentibus imperii fatis, nihil jam praestare fortuna majus potest, quam
hostium discordiam.

XXXIV. Angrivarios et Chamavos a tergo Dulgibini et Chasuarii cludunt
aliaeque gentes, haud perinde memoratae. A fronte Frisii excipiunt.
Majoribus minoribusque Frisiis vocabulum est ex modo virium: utraeque
nationes usque ad Oceanum Rheno praetexuntur, ambiuntque immensos insuper
lacus et Romanis classibus navigatos. Ipsum quin etiam Oceanum illa
tentavimus: et superesse adhuc Herculis columnas fama vulgavit; sive
adiit Hercules, seu, quicquid ubique magnificum est, in claritatem ejus
referre consensimus. Nec defuit audentia Druso Germanico: sed obstitit
Oceanus in se simul atque in Herculem inquiri. Mox nemo tentavit;
sanctiusque ac reverentius visum, de actis deorum credere, quam scire.

XXXV. Hactenus in Occidentem Germaniam novimus. In Septentrionem ingenti
flexu redit. Ac primo statim Chaucorum gens, quanquam incipiat a Frisiis
ac partem littoris occupet, omnium, quas exposui, gentium lateribus
obtenditur, donec in Chattos usque sinuetur. Tam immensum terrarum
spatium non tenent tantum Chauci, sed et implent: populus inter Germanos
nobilissimus, quique magnitudinem suam malit justitia tueri: sine
cupiditate, sine impotentia, quieti secretique, nulla provocant bella,
nullis raptibus aut latrociniis populantur. Id praecipuum virtutis ac
virium argumentum est, quod, ut superiores agant, non per injurias
assequuntur. Prompta tamen omnibus arma, ac, si res poscat, exercitus,
plurimum virorum equorumque: et quiescentibus eadem fama.

XXXVI. In latere Chaucorum Chattorumque Cherusci nimiam ac marcentem diu
pacem illacessiti nutrierunt; idque jucundius, quam tutius, fuit: quia
inter impotentes et validos falso quiescas; ubi manu agitur, modestia ac
probitas nomina superioris sunt. Ita, qui olim boni aequique Cherusci,
nunc inertes ac stulti vocantur: Chattis victoribus fortuna in sapientiam
cessit. Tracti ruina Cheruscorum et Fosi, contermina gens, adversarum
rerum ex aequo socii, cum in secundis minores fuissent.

XXXVII. Eundem Germaniae sinum proximi Oceano Cimbri tenent, parva nunc
civitas, sed gloria ingens; veterisque famae lata vestigia manent,
utraque ripa castra ac spatia, quorum ambitu nunc quoque metiaris molem
manusque gentis et tam magni exitus fidem. Sexcentesimum et quadragesimum
annum urbs nostra agebat, cum primum Cimbrorum audita sunt arma, Caecilio
Metello et Papirio Carbone consulibus. Ex quo si ad alterum Imperatoris
Trajani consulatum computemus, ducenti ferme et decem anni colliguntur;
tamdiu Germania vincitur. Medio tam longi aevi spatio, multa invicem
damna: non Samnis, non Poeni, non Hispaniae Galliaeve, ne Parthi quidem
saepius admonuere: quippe regno Arsacis acrior est Germanorum libertas.
Quid enim aliud nobis, quam caedem Crassi, amisso et ipse Pacoro, infra
Ventidium dejectus Oriens objecerit? At Germani, Carbone et Cassio et
Scauro Aurelio et Servilio Caepione, M. quoque Manlio fusis vel captis,
quinque simul consulares exercitus Populo Romano, Varum, tresque cum eo
legiones, etiam Caesari abstulerunt: nec impune C. Marius in Italia,
divus Julius in Gallia, Drusus ac Nero et Germanicus in suis eos sedibus
perculerunt. Mox ingentes C. Caesaris minae in ludibrium versae. Inde
otium, donec occasione discordiae nostrae et civilium armorum, expugnatis
legionum hibernis, etiam Gallias affectavere: ac rursus pulsi, inde
proximis temporibus triumphati magis quam victi sunt.

XXXVIII. Nunc de Suevis dicendum est, quorum non una, ut Chattorum
Tencterorumve, gens: majorem enim Germaniae partem obtinent, propriis
adhuc nationibus nominibusque discreti, quanquam in commune Suevi
vocentur. Insigne gentis obliquare crinem nodoque substringere: sic Suevi
a ceteris Germanis, sic Suevorum ingenui a servis separantur in aliis
gentibus, seu cognatione aliqua Suevorum, seu quod saepe accidit,
imitatione, rarum et intra juventae spatium; apud Suevos, usque ad
canitiem, horrentem capillum retro sequuntur, ac saepe in ipso solo
vertice religant. Principes et ornatiorem habent: ea cura formae, sed
innoxiae: neque enim ut ament amenturve; in altitudinem quandam et
terrorem, adituri bella, compti, ut hostium oculis, ornantur.

XXXIX. Vetustissimos se nobilissimosque Suevorum Semnones memorant.
Fides antiquitatis religione firmatur. Stato tempore in silvam auguriis
patrum et prisca formidine sacram, omnes ejusdem sanguinis populi
legationibus coeunt, caesoque publice homine celebrant barbari ritus
horrenda primordia. Est et alia luco reverentia. Nemo nisi vinculo
ligatus ingreditur, ut minor et potestatem numinis prae se ferens, Si
forte prolapsus est, attolli et insurgere haud licitum: per humum
evolvuntur: eoque omnis superstitio respicit, tanquam inde initia gentis,
ibi regnator omnium deus, cetera subjecta atque parentia. Adjicit
auctoritatem fortuna Semnonum: centum pagis habitantur; magnoque corpore
efficitur, ut se Suevorum caput credant.

XL. Contra Langobardos paucitas nobilitat: plurimis ac valentissimis
nationibus cincti, non per obsequium, sed proeliis et periclitando tuti
sunt. Reudigni deinde et Aviones et Anglii et Varini et Eudoses et
Suardones et Nuithones fluminibus aut silvis muniuntur: nec quidquam
notabile in singulis, nisi quod in commune Nerthum, id est Terram matrem
colunt, eamque intervenire rebus hominum, invehi populis arbitrantur. Est
in insula Oceani castum nemus, dicatumque in eo vehiculum, veste
contectum attingere uni sacerdoti concessum. Is adesse penetrali deam
intelligit, vectamque bubus feminis multa cum veneratione prosequitur.
Laeti tunc dies, festa loca, quaecumque adventu hospitioque dignatur. Non
bella ineunt, non arma sumunt; clausum omne ferrum: pax et quies tunc
tantum nota, tunc tantum amata, donec idem sacerdos satiatam
conversatione mortalium deam templo reddat. Mox vehiculum et vestes, et,
si credere velis, numen ipsum secreto lacu abluitur. Servi ministrant,
quos statim idem lacus haurit; arcanus hinc terror sanctaque ignorantia,
quid sit illud, quod tantum perituri vident.

XLI. Et haec quidem pars Suevorum in secretiora Germaniae porrigitur.
Propior, ut quo modo paulo ante Rhenum, sic nunc Danubium sequar,
Hermundurorum civitas, fida Romanis, eoque solis Germanorum non in ripa
commercium, sed penitus, atque in splendidissima Rhaetiae provinciae
colonia. Passim et sine custode transeunt: et, cum ceteris gentibus arma
modo castraque nostra ostendamus, his domos villasque patefecimus non
concupiscentibus. In Hermunduris Albis oritur, flumen inclitum et notum
olim; nunc tantum auditur.

XLII. Juxta Hermunduros Narisci, ac deinde Marcomanni et Quadi agunt.
Praecipua Marcomannorum gloria viresque, atque ipsa etiam sedes, pulsis
olim Boiis, virtute parta. Nec Narisci Quadive degenerant. Eaque
Germaniae velut frons est, quatenus Danubio peragitur. Marcomannis
Quadisque usque ad nostram memoriam reges manserunt ex gente ipsorum,
nobile Marobodui et Tudri genus: jam et externos patiuntur. Sed vis et
potentia regibus ex auctoritate Romana: raro armis nostris, saepius
pecunia juvantur, nec minus valent.

XLIII. Retro Marsigni, Gothini, Osi, Burii, terga Marcomannorum
Quadorumque claudunt: e quibus Marsigni et Burii sermone cultuque Suevos
referunt Gothinos Gallica, Osos Pannonica lingua coarguit non esse
Germanos, et quod tributa patiuntur. Partem tributorum Sarmatae, partem
Quadi, ut alienigenis, imponunt. Gothini, quo magis pudeat, et ferrum
effodiunt. Omnesque hi populi pauca campestrium, ceterum saltus et
vertices montium jugumque insederunt. Dirimit enim scinditque Sueviam
continuum montium jugum, ultra quod plurimae gentes agunt: ex quibus
latissime patet Lygiorum nomen in plures civitates diffusum.
Valentissimas nominasse sufficiet, Arios, Helveconas, Manimos, Elysios,
Naharvalos. Apud Naharvalos antiquae religionis lucus ostenditur.
Praesidet sacerdos muliebri ornatu: sed deos, interpretatione Romana,
Castorem Pollucemque memorant: ea vis numini; nomen Alcis. Nulla
simulacra, nullum peregrinae superstitionis vestigium: ut fratres tamen,
ut juvenes, venerantur. Ceterum Arii super vires, quibus enumeratos paulo
ante populos antecedunt, truces, insitae feritati arte ac tempore
lenocinantur. Nigra scuta, tincta corpora: atras ad proelia noctes
legunt: ipsaque formidine atque umbra feralis exercitus terrorem
inferant, nullo hostium sustinente novum ac velut infernum aspectum: nam
primi in omnibus proeliis oculi vincuntur. Trans Lygios Gothones
regnantur, paulo jam adductius, quam ceterae Germanorum gentes, nondum
tamen supra libertatem. Protinus deinde ab Oceano Rugii et Lemovii
omniumque harum gentium insigne, rotunda scuta, breves gladii, et erga
reges obsequium.

XLIV. Suionum hinc civitates, ipso in Oceano, praeter viros armaque
classibus valent: forma navium eo differt, quod utrimque prora paratam
semper appulsui frontem agit: nec velis ministrantur, nec remos in
ordinem lateribus adjungunt. Solutum, ut in quibusdam fluminum, et
mutabile, ut res poscit, hinc vel illinc remigium. Est apud illos et
opibus honos; eoque unus imperitat, nullis jam exceptionibus, non
precario jure parendi. Nec arma, ut apud ceteros Germanos, in promiscuo,
sed clausa sub custode et quidem servo: quia subitos hostium incursus
prohibet Oceanus, otiosa porro armatorum manus facile lasciviunt:
enimvero neque nobilem neque ingenuum ne libertinum quidem, armis
praeponere regia utilitas est.

XLV. Trans Suionas aliud mare, pigrum ac prope immotum, quo cingi
cludique terrarum orbem hinc fides, quod extremus cadentis jam solis
fulgor in ortus edurat adeo clarus, ut sidera hebetet; sonum insuper
audiri, formasque deorum et radios capitis aspici persuasio adjicit.
Illuc usque, et fama vera, tantum natura. Ergo jam dextro Suevici maris
littore Aestyorum gentes alluuntur: quibus ritus habitusque Suevorum;
lingua Britannicae propior. Matrem deum venerantur: insigne
superstitionis, formas aprorum gestant; id pro armis omnique tutela:
securum deae cultorem etiam inter hostes praestat. Rarus ferri, frequens
fustium usus. Frumenta ceterosque fructus patientius, quam pro solita
Germanorum inertia, laborant. Sed et mare scrutantur, ac soli omnium
succinum, quod ipsi glesum vocant inter vada atque in ipso littore
legunt. Nec, quae natura quaeve ratio gignat, ut barbaris, quaesitum
compertumve. Diu quin etiam inter cetera ejectamenta maris jacebat, donec
luxuria nostra dedit nomen: ipsis in nullo usu: rude legitur, informe
perfertur, pretiumque mirantes accipiunt. Succum tamen arborum esse
intelligas, quia terrena quaedam atque etiam volucria animalia plerumque
interlucent, quae implicata humore, mox, durescente materia, cluduntur.
Fecundiora igitur nemora lucosque, sicut Orientis secretis, ubi thura
balsamaque sudantur, ita Occidentis insulis terrisque inesse, crediderim;
quae vicini solis radiis expressa atque liquentia in proximum mare
labuntur, ac vi tempestatum in adversa littora exundant. Si naturam
succini admoto igne tentes, in modum taedae accenditur, alitque flammam
pinguem et olentem: mox ut in picem resinamve lentescit. Suionibus
Sitonum gentes continuantur. Cetera similes, uno differunt, quod femina
dominatur: in tantum non modo a libertate, sed etiam a servitute
degenerant.

XLVI. Hic Sueviae finis. Peucinorum Vene dorumque et Fennorum nationes
Germanis an Sarmatis ascribam, dubito: quanquam Peucini, quos quidam
Bastarnas vocant, sermone, cultu, sede ac domiciliis, ut Germani, agunt.
Sordes omnium ac torpor procerum: connubiis mixtis, nonnihil in
Sarmatarum habitum foedantur. Venedi multum ex moribus traxerunt. Nam
quidquid inter Peucinos Fennosque silvarum ac montium erigitur,
latrociniis pererrant. Hi tamen inter Germanos potius referuntur, quia et
domos figunt et scuta gestant et pedum usu ac pernicitate gaudent; quae
omnia diversa Sarmatis sunt, in plaustro equoque viventibus. Fennis mira
feritas, foeda paupertas: non arma, non equi, non penates: victui herba,
vestitui pelles, cubile humus: sola in sagittis spes, quas, inopia ferri,
ossibus asperant. Idemque venatus viros pariter ac feminas alit. Passim
enim comitantur, partemque praedae petunt. Nec aliud infantibus ferarum
imbriumque suffugium, quam ut in aliquo ramorum nexu contegantur: huc
redeunt juvenes, hoc senum receptaculum. Sed beatius arbitrantur, quam
ingemere agris, illaborare domibus, suas alienasque fortunas spe metuque
versare. Securi adversus homines, securi adversus deos, rem difficillimam
assecuti sunt, ut illis ne vote quidem opus esset. Cetera jam fabulosa:
Hellusios et Oxionas ora hominum vultusque, corpora atque artus ferarum,
gerere: quod ego, ut incompertum, in medium relinquam.

CN. JULII AGRICOLAE VITA.

BREVIARIUM.

Cap. 1. Scribendi clarorum virorum vitam mos antiquus, 2. sub malis
principibus periculosus, 3. sub Trajano in honorem Agricolae repetitus a
Tacito, qui non eloquentiam, at pietatem pollicetur. 4. Agricolae stirps,
educatio, studia. 5. Positis in Britannia primis castrorum rudimentis, 6.
uxorem ducit: fit quaestor, tribunus, praetor: recognoscendis templorum
donis praefectus. 7. Othoniano bello matrem partemque patrimonii amittit.
8. In Vespasiani partes transgressus, legioni vicesimae in Britannia
praepositus, alienae famae cura promovet suam. 9. Redux inter patricios
ascitus Aquitaniam regit. Consul factus Tacito filiam despondet.
Britanniae praeficitur.

10. Britanniae descriptio. Thule cognita: mare pigrum. 11. Britannorum
    origo, habitus, sacra, sermo, mores, 12. militia, regimen, rarus
    conventus: coelum, solum, metalla, margarita. 13. Victae gentis ingenium.
    Caesarum in Britanniam expeditiones. 14. Consularium legatorum res
    gestae. 15. Britanniae rebellio, 16. Boadicea duce coepta, a Suet.
    Paullino compressa. Huic succedunt ignavi. 17. Rem restituunt Petilius
    Cerialis et Julius Frontinus; hic Silures, ille Brigantes vincit; 18.
    Agricola Ordovices et Monam. Totam provinciam pacat, et 19, 20.
    moderatione, prudentia, abstinentia, aequitate in obsequio retinet, 21.
    animosque artibus et voluptatibus mollit.

22, 23. Nova expeditio novas gentes aperit, quae praesidio firmantur.
Agricolae candor in communicanda gloria. 24. Consilium de occupanda
Hibernia. 25-27. Civitates trans Bodotriam sitae explorantur. Caledonii,
Romanos aggressi, consilio ductuque Agricolae pulsi, sacrificiis
conspirationem civitatum sanciunt. 28. Usipiorum cohors miro casu
Britanniam circumvecta. Agricolae filius obit. 29. Bellum Britanni
reparant Calgaco duce, cujus 30-32. oratio ad suos. 33, 34. Romanos
quoque hortatur Agricola. 35-37. Atrox et cruentum proelium. 38. Penes
Romanos victoria. Agricola Britanniam circumvehi praecipit.

39. Domitianus, fronte laetus, pectore anxius, nuntium victoriae excipit.
40. Honores tamen Agricolae decerni jubet, condito odio, donec provincia
    decedat Agricola. Is redux modeste agit. 41. Periculum ab accusatoribus
    et laudatoribus. 42. Excusat se, ne provinciam sortiatur proconsul. 43.
    Obit non sine veneni suspicione, a Domitiano dati. 44. Ejus aetas,
    habitus, honores, opes. 45. Mortis opportunitas ante Domitiani
    atrocitates. 46. Questus auctoris et ex virtute solatia. Fama Agricolae
    ad posteros transmissa.

I. Clarorum virorum facta moresque posteris tradere, antiquitus usitatum,
ne nostris quidem temporibus quanquam incuriosa suorum aetas omisit,
quotiens magna aliqua ac nobilis virtus vicit ac supergressa est vitium
parvis magnisque civitatibus commune, ignorantiam recti et invidiam. Sed
apud priores, ut agere digna memoratu pronum magisque in aperto erat, ita
celeberrimus quisque ingenio ad prodendam virtutis memoriam, sine gratia
aut ambitione, bonae tantum conscientiae pretio ducebatur. Ac plerique
suam ipsi vitam narrare fiduciam potius morum, quam arrogantiam arbitrati
sunt: nec id Rutilio et Scauro citra fidem aut obtrectationi fuit: adeo
virtutes iisdem temporibus optime aestimantur, quibus facillime
gignuntur. At nunc narraturo mihi vitam defuncti hominis, venia opus
fuit: quam non petissem incursaturus tam saeva et infesta virtutibus
tempora.

II. Legimus, cum Aruleno Rustico Paetus Thrasea, Herennio Senecioni
Priscus Helvidius laudati essent, capitale fuisse: neque in ipsos modo
auctores, sed in libros quoque eorum saevitum, delegato triumviris
ministerio, ut monumenta clarissimorum ingeniorum in comitio ac foro
urerentur. Scilicet illo igne vocem populi Romani et libertatem senatus
et conscientiam generis humani aboleri arbitrabantur, expulsis insuper
sapientiae professoribus atque omni bona arte in exilium acta, ne quid
usquam honestum occurreret. Dedimus profecto grande patientiae
documentum: et sicut vetus aetas vidit, quid ultimum in libertate esset,
ita nos, quid in servitute, adempto per inquisitiones et loquendi
audiendique commercio. Memoriam quoque ipsam cum voce perdidissemus, si
tam in nostra potestate esset oblivisci, quam tacere.

III. Nunc demum redit animus: et quanquam primo statim beatissimi saeculi
ortu Nerva Caesar res olim dissociabiles miscuerit, principatum ac
libertatem, augeatque quotidie felicitatem imperii Nerva Trajanus, nec
spem modo ac votum securitas publica, sed ipsius voti fiduciam ac robur
assumpserit; natura tamen infirmitatis humanae tardiora sunt remedia,
quam mala; et, ut corpora nostra lente augescunt, cito exstinguuntur, sic
ingenia studiaque oppresseris facilius, quam revocaveris. Subit quippe
etiam ipsius inertiae dulcedo: et invisa primo desidia postremo amatur.
Quid, si per quindecim annos, grande mortalis aevi spatium, multi
fortuitis casibus, promptissimus quisque saevitia principis
interciderunt? Pauci, et, ut ita dixerim, non modo aliorum, sed etiam
nostri superstites sumus, exemptis e media vita tot annis, quibus juvenes
ad senectutem, senes prope ad ipsos exactae aetatis terminos per
silentium venimus. Non tamen pigebit vel incondita ac rudi voce memoriam
prioris servitutis ac testimonium praesentium bonorum composuisse. Hic
interim liber honori Agricolae soceri mei destinatus, professione
pietatis aut laudatus erit aut excusatus.

IV. Cnaeus Julius Agricola, veteri et illustri Forojuliensium colonia
ortus, utrumque avum procuratorem Caesarum habuit: quae equestris
nobilitas est. Pater Julius Graecinus, senatorii ordinis, studio
eloquentiae sapientiaeque notus, iisque ipsis virtutibus iram Caii
Caesaris meritus: namque M. Silanum accusare jussus et, quia abnuerat,
interfectus est. Mater Julia Procilla fuit, rarae castitatis: in hujus
sinu indulgentiaque educatus, per omnem honestarum artium cultum
pueritiam adolescentiamque transegit. Arcebat eum ab illecebris
peccantium, praeter ipsius bonam integramque naturam, quod statim
parvulus sedem ac magistram studiorum Massiliam habuit, locum Graeca
comitate et provinciali parsimonia mistum ac bene compositum. Memoria
teneo solitum ipsum narrare, se in prima juventa studium philosophiae
acrius, ultra quam concessum Romano ac senatori, hausisse, ni prudentia
matris incensum ac flagrantem animum coercuisset. Scilicet sublime et
erectum ingenium pulchritudinem ac speciem excelsae magnaeque gloriae
vehementius, quam caute, appetebat: mox mitigavit ratio et aetas:
retinuitque, quod est difficillimum, ex sapientia modum.

V. Prima castrorum rudimenta in Britannia Suetonio Paullino, diligenti ac
moderato duci, approbavit, electus, quem contubernio aestimaret. Nec
Agricola licenter more juvenum, qui militiam in lasciviam vertunt, neque
segniter ad voluptates et commeatus titulum tribunatus et inscitiam
retulit: sed noscere provinciam, nosci exercitui, discere a peritis,
sequi optimos, nihil appetere jactatione, nihil ob formidinem recusare,
simulque et anxius et intentus agere. Non sane alias exercitatior
magisque in ambiguo Britannia fuit: trucidati veterani, incensae
coloniae, intercepti exercitus; tum de salute, mox de victoria,
certavere. Quae cuncta, etsi consiliis ductuque alterius agebantur ac
summa rerum et recuperatae provinciae gloria in ducem cessit, artem et
usum et stimulos addidere juveni; intravitque animum militaris gloriae
cupido ingrata temporibus, quibus sinistra erga eminentes interpretatio,
nec minus periculum ex magna fama, quam ex mala.

VI. Hinc ad capessendos magistratus in urbem digressus, Domitiam
Decidianam, splendidis natalibus ortam, sibi junxit; idque matrimonium ad
majora nitenti decus ac robur fuit; vixeruntque mira concordia, per
mutuam caritatem et invicem se anteponendo: nisi quod in bona uxore tanto
major laus, quanto in mala plus culpae est. Sors quaesturae provinciam
Asiam, proconsulem Salvium Titianum dedit: quorum neutro corruptus est;
quanquam et provincia dives ac parata peccantibus, et proconsul in omnem
aviditatem pronus, quantalibet facilitate redempturus esset mutuam
dissimulationem mali. Auctus est ibi filia, in subsidium simul et
solatium: nam filium ante sublatum brevi amisit. Mox inter quaesturam ac
tribunatum plebis atque etiam ipsum tribunatus annum quiete et otio
transiit, gnarus sub Nerone temporum, quibus inertia pro sapientia fuit.
Idem praeturae tenor et silentium; nec enim jurisdictio obvenerat: ludos
et inania honoris medio rationis atque abundantiae duxit, uti longe a
luxuria, ita famae propior. Tum electus a Galba ad dona templorum
recognoscenda, diligentissima conquisitione fecit, ne cujus alterius
sacrilegium respublica, quam Neronis sensisset.

VII. Sequens annus gravi vulnere animum domumque ejus afflixit: nam
classis Othoniana, licenter vaga, dum Intemelios (Liguriae pars est)
hostiliter populatur, matrem Agricolae in praediis suis interfecit:
praediaque ipsa et magnam patrimonii partem diripuit, quae causa caedis
fuerat. Igitur ad solemnia pietatis profectus Agricola, nuntio affectati
a Vespasiano imperii deprehensus ac statim in partes transgressus est.
Initia principatus ac statim urbis Mucianus regebat, juvene admodum
Domitiano et ex paterna fortuna tantum licentiam usurpante. Is missum ad
delectus agendos Agricolam integreque ac strenue versatum, vicesimae
legioni, tarde ad sacramentum transgressae; praeposuit, ubi decessor
seditiose agere narrabatur: quippe legatis quoque consularibus nimia ac
formidolosa erat. Nec legatus praetorius ad cohibendum potens, incertum,
suo an militum ingenio: ita successor simul et ultor electus, rarissima
moderatione maluit videri invenisse bonos, quam fecisse.

VIII. Praeerat tunc Britanniae Vettius Bolanus placidius, quam feroci
provincia dignum est: temperavit Agricola vim suam ardoremque compescuit,
ne incresceret; peritus obsequi eruditusque utilia honestis miscere.
Brevi deinde Britannia consularem Petilium Cerialem accepit. Habuerunt
virtutes spatium exemplorum. Sed primo Cerialis labores modo et
discrimina, mox et gloriam communicabat: saepe parti exercitus in
experimentum, aliquando majoribus copiis ex eventu praefecit: nec
Agricola unquam in suam famam gestis exsultavit; ad auctorem et ducem, ut
minister, fortunam referebat: ita virtute in obsequendo, verecundia in
praedicando, extra invidiam, nec extra gloriam erat.

IX. Revertentem ab legatione legionis divus Vespasianus inter patricios
ascivit, ac deinde provinciae Aquitaniae praeposuit, splendidae in primis
dignitatis, administratione ac spe consulatus, cui destinarat. Credunt
plerique militaribus ingeniis subtilitatem deesse, quia castrensis
jurisdictio secura et obtusior ac plura manu agens calliditatem fori non
exerceat. Agricola naturali prudentia, quamvis inter togatos, facile
justeque agebat. Jam vero tempora curarum remissionumque divisa: ubi
conventus ac judicia poscerent, gravis, intentus, severus, et saepius
misericors; ubi officio satisfactum, nulla ultra potestatis persona:
tristitiam et arrogantiam et avaritiam exuerat: nec illi, quod est
rarissimum, aut facilitas auctoritatem aut severitas amorem deminuit.
Integritatem atque abstinentiam in tanto viro referre, injuria virtutum
fuerit. Ne famam quidem, cui etiam saepe boni indulgent, ostentanda
virtute, aut per artem quaesivit: procul ab aemulatione adversus
collegas, procul a contentione adversus procuratores, et vincere
inglorium, et atteri sordidum arbitrabatur. Minus triennium in ea
legatione detentus ac statim ad spem consulatus revocatus est, comitante
opinione Britanniam ei provinciam dari nullis in hoc suis sermonibus sed
quia par videbatur. Haud semper errat fama, aliquando et elegit. Consul
egregiae tum spei filiam juveni mihi despondit ac post Consulatum
collocavit, et statim Britanniae praepositus est, adjecto pontificatus
sacerdotio.

X. Britanniae situm populosque, multis scriptoribus memoratos non in
comparationem curae ingeniive referam; sed quia tum primum perdomita est.
Ita quae priores nondum comperta eloquentia percoluere, rerum fide
tradentur. Britannia, insularum quas Romana notitia complectitur, maxima,
spatio ac coelo in orientem Germaniae, in occidentem Hispaniae
obtenditur: Gallis in meridiem etiam inspicitur: septemtrionalia ejus,
nullis contra terris, vasto atque aperto mari pulsantur. Formam totius
Britanniae Livius veterum, Fabius Rusticus recentium eloquentissimi
auctores, oblongae scutulae vel bipenni assimulavere: et est ea facies
citra Caledoniam, unde et in universum fama est transgressa: sed
immensunt et enorme spatium procurrentium extremo jam littore terrarum,
velut in cuneum tenuatur. Hanc oram novissimi maris tunc primum Romana
classis circumvecta insulam esse Britanniam affirmavit, ac simul
incognitas ad id tempus insulas, quas Orcadas vocant, invenit domuitque.
Dispecta est et Thule, nam hactenus jussum, et hiems appetebat; sed mare
pigrum et grave remigantibus; perhibent ne ventis quidem perinde attolli:
credo, quod rariores terrae montesque, causa ac materia tempestatum, et
profunda moles continui maris tardius impellitur. Naturam Oceani atque
aestus neque quaerere hujus operis est, ac multi retulere; unum
addiderim: nusquam latius dominari mare, multum fluminum huc atque illuc
ferre, nec littore tenus accrescere aut resorberi, sed influere penitus
atque ambire, et jugis etiam atque montibus inseri velut in suo.

XI. Ceterum Britanniam qui mortales initio coluerint, indigenae an
advecti, ut inter barbaros, parum compertum. Habitus corporum varii:
atque ex eo argumenta; namque rutilae Caledoniam habitantium comae, magni
artus, Germanicam originem asseverant. Silurum colorati vultus et torti
plerumque crines et posita contra Hispania Iberos veteres trajecisse
easque sedes occupasse fidem faciunt. Proximi Gallis et similes sunt; seu
durante originis vi, seu, procurrentibus in diversa terris, positio coeli
corporibus habitum dedit: in universum tamen aestimanti, Gallos vicinam
insulam occupasse credibile est. Eorum sacra deprehendas superstitionum
persuasione: sermo haud multum diversus; in deposcendis periculis eadem
audacia et, ubi advenere, in detrectandis eadem formido. Plus tamen
ferociae Britanni praeferunt, ut quos nondum longa pax emollierit: nam
Gallos quoque in bellis floruisse accepimus: mox segnitia cum otio
intravit, amissa virtute pariter ac libertate; quod Britannorum olim
victis evenit: ceteri manent, quales Galli fuerunt.

XII. In pedite robur: quaedam nationes et curru proeliantur: honestior
auriga, clientes propugnant. Olim regibus parebant, nunc per principes
factionibus et studiis trahuntur: nec aliud adversus validissimas gentes
pro nobis utilius, quam quod in commune non consulunt. Rarus duabus
tribusve civitatibus ad propulsandum commune periculum conventus: ita,
dum singuli pugnant, universi vincuntur. Coelum crebris imbribus ac
nebulis foedum: asperitas frigorum abest. Dierum spatia ultra nostri
orbis mensuram, et nox clara et extrema Britanniae parte brevis, ut finem
atque initium lucis exiguo discrimine internoscas. Quod si nubes non
officiant, aspici per noctem solis fulgorem, nec occidere et exsurgere,
sed transire affirmant. Scilicet extrema et plana terrarum, humili umbra,
non erigunt tenebras, infraque coelum et sidera nox cadit. Solum, praeter
oleam vitemque et cetera calidioribus terris oriri sueta, patiens frugum,
fecundum. Tarde mitescunt, cito proveniunt: eadem utriusque rei causa,
multus humor terrarum coelique. Fert Britannia aurum et argentum et alia
metalla, pretium victoriae: gignit et Oceanus margarita, sed subfusca ac
liventia. Quidam artem abesse legentibus arbitrantur: nam in Rubro mari
viva ac spirantia saxis avelli, in Britannia, prout expulsa sint,
colligi: ego facilius crediderim naturam margaritis deesse, quam nobis
avaritiam.

XIII. Ipsi Britanni delectum ac tributa et injuncta imperii munera
impigre obeunt, si injuriae absint: has aegre tolerant, jam domiti ut
pareant, nondum ut serviant. Igitur primus omnium Romanorum divus Julius
cum exercitu Britanniam ingressus, quanquam prospera pugna terruerit
incolas ac littore potitus sit, potest videri ostendisse posteris, non
tradidisse. Mox bella civilia et in rempublicam versa principum arma, ac
longa oblivio Britanniae etiam in pace. Consilium id divus Augustus
vocabat, Tiberius praeceptum. Agitasse C. Caesarem de intranda Britannia
satis, constat, ni velox ingenio, mobilis poenitentiae, et ingentes
adversus Germaniam conatus frustra fuissent. Divus Claudius auctor
operis, transvectis legionibus auxiliisque et assumpto in partem rerum
Vespasiano: quod initium venturae mox fortunae fuit: domitae gentes,
capti reges, et monstratus fatis Vespasianus.

XIV. Consularium primus Aulus Plautius praepositus, ac subinde Ostorius
Scapula, uterque bello egregius: redactaque paulatim in formam provinciae
proxima pars Britanniae: addita insuper veteranorum colonia: quaedam
civitates Cogiduno regi donatae (is id nostram usque memoriam fidissimus
mansit) ut vetere ac jam pridem recepta populi Romani consuetudine,
haberet instrumenta servitutis et reges. Mox Didius Gallus parta a
prioribus continuit, paucis admodum castellis in ulteriora promotis, per
quae fama aucti officii quaereretur. Didium Veranius excepit, isque intra
annum exstinctus est. Suetonius hinc Paullinus biennio prosperas res
habuit, subactis nationibus firmatisque praesidiis: quorum fiducia Monara
insulam, ut vires rebellibus ministrantem, aggressus, terga occasioni
patefecit.

XV. Namque absentia legati remoto metu, Britanni agitare inter se mala
servitutis, conferre injurias et interpretando accendere: nihil profici
patientia, nisi ut graviora, tanquam ex facili toleratibus, imperentur:
singulos sibi olim reges fuisse, nunc binos imponi: e quibus legatus in
sanguinem, procurator in bona saeviret. Aeque discordiam praepositorum,
aeque concordiam, subjectis exitiosam: alterius manus centuriones,
alterius servos vim et contumelias miscere. Nihil jam cupiditati, nihil
libidini exceptum: in proelio fortiorem esse, qui spoliet; nunc ab
ignavis plerumque et imbellibus eripi domos, abstrahi liberos, injungi
delectus, tanquam mori tantum pro patria nescientibus: quantulum enim
transisse militum, si sese Britanni numerent? sic Germanias excussisse
jugum: et flumine, non Oceano, defendi: sibi patriam, conjuges, parentes,
illis avaritiam et luxuriam causas belli esse. Recessuros, ut divus
Julius recessisset, modo virtutes majorum suorum aemularentur. Neve
proelii unius aut alterius eventu pavescerent: plus impetus, majorem
constantiam, penes miseros esse. Jam Britannorum etiam deos misereri, qui
Romanum ducem absentem, qui relegatum in alia insula exercitum
detinerent: jam ipsos, quod difficillimum fuerit, deliberare: porro in
ejusmodi consiliis periculosius esse deprehendi, quam audere.

XVI. His atque talibus invicem instincti, Boudicea, generis regii femina,
duce (neque enim sexum in imperiis discernunt) sumpsere universi bellum:
ac sparsos per castella milites consectati, expugnatis praesidiis, ipsam
coloniam invasere, ut sedem servitutis: nec ullum in barbaris saevitiae
genus omisit ira et victoria. Quod nisi Paullinus, cognito provinciae
motu, propere subvenisset, amissa Britannia foret: quam unius proelii
fortuna veteri patientiae restituit, tenentibus arma plerisque, quos
conscientia defectionis et propius ex legato timor agitabat, ne, quanquam
egregius cetera, arroganter in deditos et, ut suae quoque injuriae
ultor, durius consuleret. Missus igitur Petronius Turpilianus, tanquam
exorabilior: et delictis hostium novus, eoque poenitentiae mitior,
compositis prioribus, nihil ultra ausus, Trebellio Maximo provinciam
tradidit. Trebellius segnior, et nullis castrorum experimentis, comitate
quadam curandi provinciam tenuit. Didicere jam barbari quoque ignoscere
vitiis blandientibus: et interventus civilium armorum praebuit justam
segnitiae excusationem: sed discordia laboratum, cum assuetus
expeditionibus miles otio lasciviret. Trebellius fuga ac latebris vitata
exercitus ira, indecorus atque humilis, precario mox praefuit: ac velut
pacti, exercitus licentiam, dux salutem; et seditio sine sanguina stetit.
Nec Vettius Bolanus, manentibus adhuc civilibus bellis, agitavit
Britanniam disciplina: eadem inertia erga hostes, similis petulantia
castrorum: nisi quod innocens Bolanus et nullis delictis invisus,
caritatem paraverat loco auctoritatis.

XVII. Sed, ubi cum cetero orbe Vespasianus et Britanniam recuperavit,
magni duces, egregii exercitus, minuta hostium spes. Et terrorem statira
intulit Petilius Cerialis, Brigantum civitatem, quae numerosissima
provinciae totius perhibetur, aggressus. Multa proelia, et aliquando non
incruenta magnamque Brigantum partem aut victoria amplexus est aut bello.
Et, cum Cerialis quidem alterius successoris curam famamque obruisset,
sustinuit quoque molem Julius Frontinus, vir magnus quantum licebat,
validamque et pugnacem Silurum gentem armis subegit, super virtutem
hostium, locorum quoque difficultates eluctatus.

XVIII. Hunc Britanniae statum, has bellorum vices media jam aestate
transgressus Agricola invenit, cum et milites, velut omissa expeditione,
ad securitatem, et hostes ad occasionem verterentur. Ordovicum civitas,
haud multo ante adventum ejus, alam, in finibus suis agentem, prope
universam obtriverat eoque initio erecta provincia: et, quibus bellum
volentibus erat, probare exemplum, ac recentis legati animum opperiri,
cum Agricola, quanquam transvecta aestas, sparsi per provinciam numeri,
praesumpta apud militem illius anni quies, tarda et contraria bellum
inchoaturo, et plerisque custodiri suspecta potius videbatur, ire obviam
discrimini statuit: contractisque legionum vexillis et modica auxiliorum
manu, quia in aequum degredi Ordovices non audebant, ipse ante agmen, quo
ceteris par animus simili periculo esset, erexit aciem: caesaque prope
universa gente, non ignarus instandum famae, ac, prout prima cessissent,
terrorem ceteris fore, Monam insulam, cujus possessione revocatum
Paullinum rebellione totius Britanniae supra memoravi, redigere in
potestatem animo intendit. Sed, ut in dubiis consiliis, naves deerant:
ratio et constantia ducis transvexit. Depositis omnibus sarcinis,
lectissimos auxiliarium, quibus nota vada et patrius nandi usus, quo
simul seque et arma et equos regunt, ita repente immisit, ut obstupefacti
hostes, qui classem, qui naves, qui mare expectabant, nihil arduum aut
invictum crediderint sic ad bellum venientibus. Ita petita pace ac dedita
insula, clarus ac magnus haberi Agricola: quippe cui ingredienti
provinciam, quod tempus alii per ostentationem aut officiorum ambitum
transigunt, labor et periculum placuisset. Nec Agricola, prosperitate
rerum in vanitatem usus, expeditionem aut victoriam vocabat victos
continuisse: ne laureatis quidem gesta prosecutus est: sed ipsa
dissimulatione famae famam auxit, aestimantibus, quanta futuri spe tam
magna tacuisset.

XIX. Ceterum animorum provinciae prudens, simulque doctus per aliena
experimenta parum profici armis, si injuriae sequerentur, causas bellorum
statuit excidere. A se suisque orsus, primum domum suam coercuit; quod
plerisque haud minus arduum est, quam provinciam regere. Nihil per
libertos servosque publicae rei: non studiis privatis nec ex
commendatione aut precibus centurionum milites ascire, sed optimum
quemque fidissimum putare: omnia scire, non omnia exsequi: parvis
peccatis veniam, magnis severitatem commodare: nec poena semper, sed
saepius poenitentia contentus esse: officiis et administrationibus potius
non peccaturos praeponere, quam damnare, cum peccassent. Frumenti et
tributorum auctionem aequalitate munerum mollire, circumcisis, quae, in
quaestum reperta, ipso tributo gravius tolerabantur: namque per ludibrium
assidere clausis horreis et emere ultro frumenta, ac vendere pretio
cogebantur: devortia itinerum et longinquitas regionum indicebatur, ut
civitates a proximis hibernis in remota et avia referrent, donec, quod
omnibus in promptu erat, paucis lucrosum fieret.

XX. Haec primo statim anno comprimendo, egregiam famam paci circumdedit;
quae vel incuria vel intolerantia priorum haud minus quam bellum
timebatur. Sed, ubi aestas advenit, contracto exercitu, multus in agmine
laudare modestiam, disjectos coercere: loca castris ipse capere,
aestuaria ac silvas ipse praetentare; et nihil interim apud hostes
quietum pati, quo minus subitis excursibus popularetur: atque, ubi satis
terruerat, parcendo rursus irritamenta pacis ostentare. Quibus rebus
multae civitates, quae in illum diem ex aequo egerant, datis obsidibus,
iram posuere, et praesidiis castellisque circumdatae tanta ratione
curaque, ut nulla ante Britanniae nova pars illacessita transierit.

XXI. Sequens hiems saluberrimis consiliis absumpta: namque, ut homines
dispersi ac rudes, eoque in bella faciles, quieti et otio per voluptates
assuescerent, hortari privatim, adjuvare publice, ut templa, fora, domus
exstruerent, laudando promptos et castigando segnes: ita honoris
aemulatio pro necessitate erat. Jam vero principum filios liberalibus
artibus erudire, et ingenia Britannorum studiis Gallorum anteferre, ut,
qui modo linguam Romanam abnuebant, eloquentiam concupiscerent. Inde
etiam habitus nostri honor et frequens toga: paulatimque discessum ad
delenimenta vitiorum, porticus et balnea et conviviorum elegantiam: idque
apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset.

XXII. Tertius expeditionum annus novas gentes aperuit, vastatis usque ad
Taum (aestuario nomen est) nationibus: qua formidine territi hostes
quanquam conflictatum saevis tempestatibus exercitum lacessere non ausi;
ponendisque insuper castellis spatium fuit. Annotabant periti non alium
ducem opportunitates locorum sapientius legisse: nullum ab Agricola
positum castellum aut vi hostium expugnatum aut pactione ac fuga
desertum. Crebrae eruptiones: nam adversus moras obsidionis annuis copiis
firmabantur: ita intrepida ibi hiems, et sibi quisque praesidio, irritis
hostibus eoque desperantibus, quia soliti plerumque damna aestatis
hibernis eventibus pensare, tum aestate atque hieme juxta pellebantur.
Nec Agricola unquam per alios gesta avidus intercepit: seu centurio seu
praefectus, incorruptum facti testem habebat. Apud quosdam acerbior in
conviciis narrabatur; ut erat comis bonis, adversus malos injucundus:
ceterum ex iracundia nihil supererat; secretum et silentium ejus non
timeres: honestius putabat offendere, quam odisse.

XXIII. Quarta aestas obtinendis, quae percurrerat, insumpta: ac, si
virtus exercituum et Romani nominis gloria pateretur, inventus in ipsa
Britannia terminus. Nam Clota et Bodotria, diversi maris aestibus per
immensum revectae, angusto terrarum spatio dirimuntur: quod tum
praesidiis firmabatur: atque omnis propior sinus tenebatur, summotis
velut in aliam insulam hostibus.

XXIV. Quinto expeditionum anno, nave prima transgressus, ignotas ad id
tempus gentes crebris simul ac prosperis proeliis domuit: eamque partem
Britanniae, quae Hiberniam aspicit, copiis instruxit in spem magis quam
ob formidinem; si quidem Hibernia, medio inter Britanniam atque Hispaniam
sita et Gallico quoque mari opportuna, valentissimam imperii partem
magnis invicem usibus miscuerit. Spatium ejus, si Britanniae comparetur,
angustius, nostri maris insulas superat. Solum coelumque et ingenia
cultusque hominum haud multum a Britannia differunt: in melius aditus
portusque per commercia et negotiatores cogniti. Agricola expulsum
seditione domestica unum ex regulis gentis exceperat ac specie amicitiae
in occasionem retinebat. Saepe ex eo audivi, legione una et modicis
auxiliis debellari obtinerique Hiberniam posse. Idque etiam adversus
Britanniam profuturum, si Romana ubique arma, et velut e conspectu
libertas tolleretur.

XXV. Ceterum aestate, qua sextum officii annum inchoabat, amplexus
civitates trans Bodotriam sitas, quia motus universarum ultra gentium et
infesta hostilis exercitus itinera timebantur, portus classe exploravit:
quae, ab Agricola primum assumpta in partem virium, sequebatur egregia
specie, cum simul terra, simul mari bellum impelleretur, ac saepe iisdem
castris pedes equesque et nauticus miles, mixti copiis et laetitia, sua
quisque facta, suos casus attollerent: ac modo silvarum ac montium
profunda, modo tempestatum ac fluctuum adversa, hinc terra et hostis,
hinc victus Oceanus militari jactantia compararentur. Britannos quoque,
ut ex captivis audiebatur, visa classis obstupefaciebat, tanquam, aperto
maris sui secreto, ultimum victis perfugium clauderetur. Ad manus et arma
conversi Caledoniam incolentes populi, paratu magno, majore fama, uti mos
est de ignotis, oppugnasse ultro, castella adorti, metum, ut provocantes,
addiderant: regrediendumque citra Bodotriam, et excedendum potius, quam
pellerentur, specie prudentium ignavi admonebant: cum interim cognoscit
hostes pluribus agminibus irrupturos. Ac, ne superante numero et peritia
locorum circumiretur, diviso et ipse in tres partes exercitu incessit.

XXVI. Quod ubi cognitum hosti, mutato repente consilio, universi nonam
legionem, ut maxime invalidam, nocte aggressi, inter somnum ac
trepidationem caesis vigilibus, irrupere. Jamque in ipsis castris
pugnabant, cum Agricola, iter hostium ab exploratoribus edoctus et
vestigiis insecutus, velocissimos equitum peditumque assultare tergis
pugnantium jubet, mox ab universis adjici clamorem; et propinqua luce
fulsere signa: ita ancipiti malo territi Britanni: et Romanis redit
animus, ac, securi pro salute, de gloria certabant. Ultro quin etiam
erupere: et fuit atrox in ipsia portarum angustiis proelium, donec pulsi
hostes; utroque exercitu certante, his, ut tulisse opem, illis, ne
eguisse auxilio viderentur. Quod nisi paludes et silvae fugientes
texissent, debellatum illa victoria foret.

XXVII. Cujus conscientia ac fama ferox exercitus nihil virtuti suae
invium: penetrandam Caledoniam, inveniendumque tandem Britanniae terminum
continuo proeliorum cursu, fremebant: atque illi modo cauti ac sapientes,
prompti post eventum ac magniloqui erant. Iniquissima haec bellorum
conditio est: prospera omnes sibi vindicant, adversa uni imputantur. At
Britanni non virtute, sed occasione et arte ducis rati, nihil ex
arrogantia remittere, quo minus juventutem armarent, conjuges ac liberos
in loca tuta transferrent, coetibus ac sacrificiis conspirationem
civitatum sancirent: atque ita irritatis utrimque animis discessum.

XXVIII. Eadem aestate cohors Usipiorum, per Germanias conscripta, in
Britanniam transmissa, magnum ac memorabile facinus ausa est. Occiso
centurione ac militibus, qui ad tradendam disciplinam immixti manipulis
exemplum et rectores habebantur, tres liburnicas, adactis per vim
gubernatoribus, ascendere: et uno remigante, suspectis duobus eoque
interfectis, nondum vulgato rumore ut miraculum praevehebantur: mox hac
atque illa rapti, et cum plerisque Britannorum, sua defensantium, proelio
congressi, ac saepe victores, aliquando pulsi, eo ad extremum inopiae
venere, ut infirmissimos suorum, mox sorte ductos, vescerentur. Atque
circumvecti Britanniam, amissis per inscitiam regendi navibus, pro
praedonibus habiti, primum a Suevis, mox a Frisiis intercepti sunt: ac
fuere, quos per commercia venumdatos et in nostram usque ripam mutatione
ementium adductos, indicium tanti casus illustravit.

XXIX. Initio aestatis Agricola, domestico vulnere ictus, anno ante natum
filum amisit. Quem casum neque, ut plerique fortium virorum, ambitiose,
neque per lamenta rursus ac moerorem muliebriter tulit: et in luctu
bellum inter remedia erat. Igitur praemissa classe, quae pluribus locis
praedata, magnum et incertum terrorem faceret, expedito exercitu, cui ex
Britannis fortissimos et longa pace exploratos addiderat, ad montem
Grampium pervenit, quem jam hostis insederat. Nam Britanni, nihil fracti
pugnae prioris eventu, et ultionem aut servitium exspectantes, tandemque
docti commune periculum concordia propulsandum, legationibus et
foederibus omnium civitatum vires exciverant. Jamque super triginta
millia armatorum aspiciebantur, et adhuc affluebat omnis juventus et
quibus cruda ac viridis senectus, clari bello et sua quisque decora
gestantes: cum inter plures duces virtute et genere praestans, nomine
Calgacus, apud contractam multitudinem proelium poscentem, in hunc modum
locutus fertur:

XXX. "Quotiens causas belli et necessitatem nostram intueor, magnus mihi
animus est hodiernum diem consensumque vestrum initium libertatis totius
Britanniae fore. Nam et universi servitutis expertes, et nullae ultra
terrae, ac ne mare quidem securum, imminente nobis classe Romana: ita
proelium atque arma, quae fortibus honesta, eadem etiam ignavis tutissima
sunt. Priores pugnae, quibus adversus Romanos varia fortuna certatum est,
spem ac subsidium in nostris manibus habebant: quia nobilissimi totius
Britanniae eoque in ipsis penetralibus siti, nec servientium littora
aspicientes, oculos quoque a contactu dominationis inviolatos habebamus.
Nos terrarum ac libertatis extremos, recessus ipse ac sinus famae in
hunc diem defendit: nunc terminus Britanniae patet; atque omne ignotum
pro magnifico est. Sed nulla jam ultra gens, nihil nisi fluctus et saxa,
et infestiores Romani: quorum superbiam frustra per obsequium et
modestiam effugeris. Raptores orbis, postquam cuncta vastantibus defuere
terrae, et mare scrutantur: si locuples hostis est, avari; si pauper,
ambitiosi: quos non Oriens, non Occidens, satiaverit. Soli omnium opes
atque inopiam pari affectu concupiscunt. Auferre, trucidare, rapere,
falsis nominibus imperium; atque, ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem
appellant."

XXXI. "Liberos cuique ac propinquos suos natura carissimos esse voluit;
hi per delectus, alibi servituri, auferuntur conjuges sororesque, etsi
hostilem libidinem effugiant, nomine amicorum atque hospitum polluuntur.
Bona fortunasque in tributum egerunt, annos in frumentum: corpora ipsa ac
manus silvis ac paludibus emuniendis inter verbera ac contumelias
conterunt. Nata servituti mancipia semel veneunt, atque ultro a dominis
aluntur: Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit, quotidie pascit. Ac,
sicut in familia recentissimus quisque servorum et conservis ludibrio
est, sic in hoc orbis terrarum vetere famulatu novi nos et viles in
excidium petimur. Neque enim arva nobis aut metalla aut portus sunt,
quibus exercendis reservemur. Virtus porro ac ferocia subjectorum ingrata
imperantibus: et longinquitas ac secretum ipsum quo tutius, eo
suspectius. Ita, sublata spe veniae, tandem sumite animum, tam quibus
salus, quam quibus gloria carissima est. Trinobantes, femina duce,
exurere coloniam, expugnare castra, ac, nisi felicitas in socordiam
vertisset, exuere jugum potuere: nos integri et indomiti et libertatem
non in poenitentiam laturi, primo statim congressu nonne ostendamus, quos
sibi Caledonia viros seposuerit? An eandem Romanis in bello virtutem,
quam in pace lasciviam adesse creditis?"

XXXII. "Nostris illi dissensionibus ac discordiis clari, vitia hostium in
gloriam exercitus sui vertunt: quem contractum ex diversissimis gentibus,
ut secundae res tenent, ita adversae dissolvent: nisi si Gallos et
Germanos et (pudet dictu) Britannorum plerosque, licet dominationi
alienae sanguinem commodent, diutius tamen hostes quam servos, fide et
affectu teneri putatis: metus et terror est, infirma vincula caritatis
quae ubi removeris, qui timere desierint, odisse incipient. Omnia
victoriae incitamenta pro nobis sunt: nullae Romanos conjuges accendunt;
nulli parentes fugam exprobraturi sunt; aut nulla plerisque patria, aut
alia est. Paucos numero, trepidos ignorantia, coelum ipsum ac mare et
silvas, ignota omnia circumspectantes, clausos quodammodo ac vinctos dii
nobis tradiderunt. Ne terreat vanus aspectus et auri fulgor atque
argenti, quod neque tegit neque vulnerat. In ipsa hostium acie inveniemus
nostras manus: agnoscent Britanni suam causam: recordabuntur Galli
priorem libertatem: deserent illos ceteri Germani, tanquam nuper Usipii
reliquerunt. Nec quidquam ultra formidinis: vacua castella, senum
coloniae, inter male parentes et injuste imperantes aegra municipia et
discordantia: hic dux, hic exercitus: ibi tributa et metalla et ceterae
servientium poenae: quas in aeternum perferre aut statim ulcisci in hoc
campo est. Proinde ituri in aciem et majores vestros et posteros
cogitate."

XXXIII. Excepere orationem alacres, ut barbaris moris, cantu et fremitu
clamoribusque dissonis. Jam que agmina, et armorum fulgores audentissimi
cujusque procursu: simul instruebantur acies: cum Agricola, quanquam
laetum et vix munimentis coercitum militem adhortatus, ita disseruit:
"Octavus annus est, commilitones, ex quo virtute et auspiciis imperii
Romani fide atque opera vestra Britanniam vicistis: tot expeditionibus,
tot proeliis, seu fortitudine adversus hostes seu patientia ac labore
paene adversus ipsam rerum naturam opus fuit, neque me militum neque vos
ducis poenituit. Ergo egressi, ego veterum legatorum, vos priorum
exercituum terminos, finem Britanniae non fama nec rumore, sed castris et
armis tenemus. Inventa Britannia et subacta. Equidem saepe in agmine, cum
vos paludes montesve et flumina fatigarent, fortissimi cujusque voces
audiebam, Quando dabitur hostis, quando acies? Veniunt, e latebris suis
extrusi: et vota virtusque in aperto, omniaque prona victoribus, atque
eadem victis adversa. Nam, ut superasse tantum itineris, silvas evasisse,
transisse aestuaria pulchrum ac decorum in frontem; ita fugientibus
periculosissima, quae hodie prosperrima sunt. Neque enim nobis aut
locorum eadem notitia aut commeatuum eadem abundantia: sed manus et arma
et in his omnia. Quod ad me attinet, jam pridem mihi decretum est, neque
exercitus neque ducis terga tuta esse. Proinde et honesta mors turpi vita
potior; et incolumitas ac decus eodem loco sita sunt: nec inglorium
fuerit, in ipso terrarum ac naturae fine cecidisse."

XXXIV. "Si novae gentes atque ignota acies constitisset, aliorum
exercituum exemplis vos hortarer: nunc vestra decora recensete, vestros
oculos interrogate. Ii sunt, quos proximo anno, unam legionem furto
noctis aggressos, clamore debellastis: ii ceterorum Britannorum
fugacissimi, ideoque tam diu superstites. Quomodo silvas saltusque
penetrantibus fortissimum quodque animal contra ruere, pavida et inertia
ipso agminis sono pelluntur, sic acerrimi Britannorum jam pridem
ceciderunt: reliquus est numerus ignavorum et metuentium, quos quod
tandem invenistis, non restiterunt, sed deprehensi sunt: novissimae res
et extremo metu corpora defixere aciem in his vestigiis, in quibus
pulchram et spectabilem victoriam ederetis. Transigite cum
expeditionibus: imponite quinquaginta annis magnum diem: approbate
reipublicae nunquam exercitui imputari potuisse aut moras belli aut
causas rebellandi."

XXXV. Et alloquente adhuc Agricola, militum ardor eminebat, et finem
orationis ingens alacritas consecuta est, statimque ad arma discursum.
Instinctos ruentesque ita disposuit, ut peditum auxilia, quae octo
millia erant, mediam aciem firmarent, equitum tria millia cornibus
affunderentur: legiones pro vallo stetere, ingens victoriae decus citra
Romanum sanguinem bellanti, et auxilium, si pellerentur. Britannorum
acies, in speciem simul ac terrorem, editioribus locis constiterat
ita, ut primum agmen aequo, ceteri per acclive jugum connexi velut
insurgerent: media campi covinarius et eques strepitu ac discursu
complebat. Tum Agricola superante hostium multitudine veritus, ne simul
in frontem, simul et latera suorum pugnaretur, diductis ordinibus,
quanquam porrectior acies futura erat et arcessendas plerique legiones
admonebant, promptior in spem et firmus adversis, dimisso equo pedes
ante vexilla constitit.

XXXVI. Ac primo congressu eminus certabatur simul constantia, simul arte
Britanni ingentibus gladiis et brevibus cetris missilia nostrorum vitare
vel excutere, atque ipsi magnam vim telorum superfundere: donec Agricola
Batavorum cohortes ac Tungrorum duas cohortatus est, ut rem ad mucrones
ac manus adducerent: quod et ipsis vetustate militiae exercitatum, et
hostibus inhabile parva scuta et enormes gladios gerentibus: nam
Britannorum gladii sine mucrone complexum armorum et in aperto pugnam non
tolerabant. Igitur, ut Batavi miscere ictus, ferire umbonibus, ora
foedare, et stratis qui in aequo obstiterant, erigere in colles aciem
coepere, ceterae cohortes, aemulatione et impetu commistae, proximos
quosque caedere; ac plerique semineces aut integri festinatione victoriae
relinquebantur. Interim equitum turmae fugere, covinarii peditum se
proelio miscuere: et, quanquam recentem terrorem intulerant, densis tamen
hostium agminibus et inaequalibus locis haerebant: minimeque equestris ea
pugnae facies erat, cum aegre diu stantes simul equorum corporibus
impellerentur, ac saepe vagi currus, exterriti sine rectoribus equi, ut
quemque formido tulerat, transversos aut obvios incursabant.

XXXVII. Et Britanni, qui adhuc pugnae expertes summa collium insederant
et paucitatem nostrorum vacui spernebant, degredi paulatim et circumire
terga vincentium coeperant: ni id ipsum veritus Agricola, quatuor equitum
alas, ad subita belli retentas, venientibus opposuisset, quantoque
ferocius accurrerant, tanto acrius pulsos in fugam disjecisset. Ita
consilium Britannorum in ipsos versum: transvectaeque praecepto ducis a
fronte pugnantium alae, aversam hostium aciem invasere. Tum vero
patentibus locis grande et atrox spectaculum: sequi, vulnerare, capere
atque eosdem, oblatis aliis, trucidare. Jam hostium, prout cuique
ingenium erat, catervae armatorum paucioribus terga praestare, quidam
inermes ultro ruere ac se morti offerre; passim arma et corpora et laceri
artus et cruenta humus: et aliquando etiam victis ira virtusque; postquam
silvis appropinquarunt, collecti primos sequentium incautos et locorum
ignaros circumveniebant. Quod ni frequens ubique Agricola validas et
expeditas cohortes indaginis modo, et, sicubi arctiora erant, partem
equitum dimissis equis, simul rariores silvas equitem persultare
jussisset, acceptum aliquod vulnus per nimiam fiduciam foret. Ceterum,
ubi compositos firmis ordinibus sequi rursus videre, in fugam versi, non
agminibus, ut prius, nec alius alium respectantes, rari et vitabundi
invicem, longinqua atque avia petiere. Finis sequendi nox et satietas
fuit: caesa hostium ad decem millia: nostrorum trecenti sexaginta
cecidere: in quis Aulus Atticus praefectus cohortis, juvenili ardore et
ferocia equi hostibus illatus.

XXXVIII. Et nox quidem gaudio praedaque laeta victoribus: Britanni
palantes, mixtoque virorum mulierumque ploratu, trahere vulneratos,
vocare integros, deserere domos ac per iram ultro incendere: eligere
latebras et statim relinquere: miscere invicem consilia aliqua, dein
separare: aliquando frangi aspectu pignorum suorum, saepius concitari:
satisque constabat, saevisse quosdam in conjuges ac liberos, tanquam
misererentur. Proximus dies faciem victoriae latius aperuit: vastum
ubique silentium, secreti colles, fumantia procul tecta, nemo
exploratoribus obvius: quibus in omnem partem dimissis, ubi incerta fugae
vestigia neque usquam conglobari hostes compertum et exacta jam aestate
spargi bellum nequibat, in fines Horestorum exercitum deducit. Ibi
acceptis obsidibus, praefecto classis circumvehi Britanniam praecepit.
Datae ad id vires, et praecesserat terror. Ipse peditem atque equites
lento itinere, quo novarum gentium animi ipsa transitus mora terrerentur,
in hibernis locavit. Et simul classis secunda tempestate ac fama
Trutulensem portum tenuit, unde proximo latere Britanniae lecto omni
redierat.

XXXIX. Hunc rerum cursum, quanquam nulla verborum jactantia epistolis
Agricolae actum, ut Domitiano moris erat, fronte laetus, pectore anxius
excepit. Inerat conscientia derisui fuisse nuper falsum e Germania
triumphum, emptis per commercia, quorum habitus et crines in captivorum
speciem formarentur: at nunc veram magnamque victoriam, tot millibus
hostium caesis, ingenti fama celebrari. Id sibi maxime formidolosum,
privati hominis nomen supra principis attolli: frustra studia fori et
civilium artium decus in silentium acta, si militarem gloriam alius
occuparet: et cetera utcumque facilius dissimulari: ducis boni
imperatoriam virtutem esse. Talibus curis exercitus, quodque saevae
cogitationis indicium erat, secreto suo satiatus, optimum in praesentia
statuit reponere odium, donec impetus famae et favor exercitus
languesceret: nam etiam tum Agricola Britanniam obtinebat.

XL. Igitur triumphalia ornamenta et illustris statuae honorem et quidquid
pro triumpho datur, multo verborum honore cumulata, decerni in senatu
jubet; addique insuper opinionem, Syriam provinciam Agricolae destinari,
vacuam tum morte Atilii Rufi consularis et majoribus reservatam.
Credidere plerique libertum ex secretioribus ministeriis missum ad
Agricolam codicillos, quibus ei Syria dabatur, tulisse cum praecepto, ut,
si in Britannia foret, traderentur: eumque libertum in ipso freto Oceani
obvium Agricolae, ne appellato quidem eo, ad Domitianum remeasse: sive
verum istud, sive ex ingenio principis fictum ac compositum est.
Tradiderat interim Agricola successori suo provinciam quietam tutamque.
Ac, ne notabilis celebritate et frequentia occurrentium introitus esset,
vitato amicorum officio, noctu in urbem, noctu in palatium, ita ut
praeceptum erat, venit: exceptusque brevi osculo et nullo sermone turbae
servientium immixtus est. Ceterum, ut militare nomen, grave inter
otiosos, aliis virtutibus temperaret, tranquillitatem atque otium penitus
auxit, cultu modicus, sermone facilis, uno aut altero amicorum comitatus;
adeo ut plerique quibus magnos viros per ambitionem aestimare mos est,
viso aspectoque Agricola, quaererent famam, pauci interpretarentur.

XLI. Crebro per eos dies apud Domitianum absens accusatus, absens
absolutus est. Causa periculi non crimen ullum aut querela laesi
cujusquam, sed infensus virtutibus princeps et gloria viri ac pessimum
inimicorum genus, laudantes. Et ea insecuta sunt reipublicae tempora,
quae sileri Agricolam non sinerent: tot exercitus in Moesia Daciaque et
Germania Pannoniaque, temeritate aut per ignaviam ducum amissi: tot
militares viri cum tot cohortibus expugnati et capti: nec jam de limite
imperii et ripa, sed de hibernis legionum et possessione dubitatum. Ita,
cum damna damnis continuarentur atque omnis annus funeribus et cladibus
insigniretur, poscebatur ore vulgi dux Agricola: comparantibus cunctis
vigorem, constantiam et expertum bellis animum cum inertia et formidine
ceterorum. Quibus sermonibus satis constat Domitiani quoque aures
verberatas, dum optimus quisque libertorum amore et fide, pessimi
malignitate et livore, pronum deterioribus principem exstimulabant. Sic
Agricola simul suis virtutibus, simul vitiis aliorum, in ipsam gloriam
praeceps agebatur.

XLII. Aderat jam annus, quo proconsulatum Asiae et Africae sortiretur, et
occiso Civica nuper nec Agricolae consilium deerat, nec Domitiano
exemplum. Accessere quidam cogitationum principis periti, qui, iturusne
esset in provinciam, ultro Agricolam interrogarent: ac primo occultius
quietem et otium laudare, mox operam suam in approbanda excusatione
offerre: postremo non jam obscuri, suadentes simul terrentesque,
pertraxere ad Domitianum; qui paratus simulatione, in arrogantiam
compositus, et audiit preces excusantis, et, cum annuisset, agi sibi
gratias passus est: nec erubuit beneficii invidia. Salarium tamen,
proconsulari solitum offerri et quibusdam a se ipso concessum, Agricolae
non dedit: sive offensus non petitum, sive ex conscientia, ne, quod
vetuerat, videretur emisse. Proprium humani ingenii est, odisse quem
laeseris: Domitiani vero natura praeceps in iram, et quo obscurior, eo
irrevocabilior, moderatione tamen prudentiaque Agricolae leniebatur: quia
non contumacia neque inani jactatione libertatis famam fatumque
provocabat. Sciant. quibus moris illicita mirari, posse etiam sub malis
principibus magnos viros esse: obsequiumque ac modestiam, si industria ac
vigor adsint, eo laudis excedere, quo plerique per abrupta, sed in nullum
reipublicae usum, ambitiosa morte inclaruerunt.

XLIII. Finis vitae ejus nobis luctuosus, amicis tristis, extraneis etiam
ignotisque non sine cura fuit. Vulgus quoque et hic aliud agens populus
et ventitavere ad domum, et per fora et circulos locuti sunt: nec
quisquam audita morte Agricolae aut laetatus est aut statim oblitus.
Augebat miserationem constans rumor, veneno interceptum. Nobis nihil
comperti affirmare ausim: ceterum per omnem valetudinem ejus, crebrius
quam ex more principatus per nuntios visentis, et libertorum primi et
medicorum intimi venere: sive cura illud sive inquisitio erat. Supremo
quidem die, momenta deficientis per dispositos cursores nuntiata
constabat, nullo credente sic accelerari, quae tristis audiret. Speciem
tamen doloris animo vultuque prae se tulit, securus jam odii, et qui
facilius dissimularet gaudium, quam metum. Satis constabat, lecto
testamento Agricolae, quo cohaeredem optimae uxori et piissimae filiae
Domitianum scripsit, laetatum eum velut honore judicioque: tam caeca et
corrupta mens assiduis adulationibus erat, ut nesciret a bono patre non
scribi haeredem, nisi malum principem.

XLIV. Natus erat Agricola, Caio Caesare tertium consule, Idibus Juniis:
excessit sexto et quinquagesimo anno, decimo Kalendas Septembris, Collega
Priscoque consulibus. Quod si habitum quoque ejus posteri noscere velint,
decentior quam sublimior fuit; nihil metus in vultu, gratia oris
supererat bonum virum facile crederes, magnum libenter. Et ipse quidem,
quanquam medio in spatio integrae aetatis ereptus, quantum ad gloriam,
longissimum aevum peregit. Quippe et vera bona, quae in virtutibus sita
sunt, impleverat, et consulari ac triumphalibus ornamentis praedito, quid
aliud adstruere fortuna poterat? Opibus nimiis non gaudebat; speciosae
contigerant. Filia atque uxore superstitibus, potest videri etiam beatus;
incolumi dignitate, florente fama, salvis affinitatibus et amicitiis,
futura effugisse. Nam sicuti durare in hac beatissimi saeculi luce ac
principem Trajanum videre, quod augurio votisque apud nostras aures
ominabatur, ita festinatae mortis grande solatium tulit, evasisse
postremum illud tempus, quo Domitianus non jam per intervalla ac
spiramenta temporum, sed continuo et velut uno ictu rempublicam exhausit.

XLV. Non vidit Agricola obsessam curiam, et clausum armis senatum, et
eadem strage tot consularium caedes, tot nobilissimarum feminarum exsilia
et fugas. Una adhuc victoria Carus Metius censebatur, et intra Albanam
arcem sententia Messalini strepebat, et Massa Bebius jam tum reus erat.
Mox nostrae duxere Helvidium in carcerem manus: nos Maurici Rusticique
visus, nos innocenti sanguine Senecio perfudit. Nero tamen subtraxit
oculos jussitque scelera, non spectavit: praecipua sub Domitiano
miseriarum pars erat videre et aspici: cum suspiria nostra
subscriberentur; cum denotandis tot hominum palloribus sufficeret saevus
ille vultus et rubor, quo se contra pudorem muniebat. Tu vero felix,
Agricola, non vitae tantum claritate, sed etiam opportunitate mortis. Ut
perhibent qui interfuerunt novissimis sermonibus tuis, constans et libens
fatum excepisti; tanquam pro virili portione innocentiam principi
donares. Sed mihi filiaeque ejus, praeter acerbitatem parentis erepti,
auget moestitiam, quod assidere valetudini, fovere deficientem, satiari
vultu, complexu, non contigit: excepissemus certe mandata vocesque, quas
penitus animo figeremus. Noster hic dolor, nostrum vulnus: nobis tam
longae absentiae conditione ante quadriennium amissus est. Omnia sine
dubio, optime parentum, assidente amantissima uxore, superfuere honori
tuo: paucioribus tamen lacrimis compositus es, et novissima in luce
desideravere aliquid oculi tui.

XLVI. Si quis piorum manibus locus, si, ut sapientibus placet, non cum
corpore exstinguuntur magnae animae, placide quiescas, nosque, domum
tuam, ab infirmo desiderio et muliebribus lamentis ad contemplationem
virtutum tuarum voces, quas neque lugeri neque plangi fas est:
admiratione te potius, te immortalibus laudibus, et, si natura
suppeditet, similitudine decoremus. Is verus honos, ea conjunctissimi
cujusque pietas. Id filiae quoque uxorique praeceperim, sic patris, sic
mariti memoriam venerari, ut omnia facta dictaque ejus secum revolvant,
formamque ac figuram animi magis quam corporis complectantur: non quia
intercedendum putem imaginibus, quae marmore aut aere finguntur; sed ut
vultus hominum, ita simulacra vultus imbecilla ac mortalia sunt; forma
mentis aeterna, quam tenere et exprimere non per alienam materiam et
artem, sed tuis ipse moribus possis. Quidquid ex Agricola amavimus,
quidquid mirati sumus, manet mansurumque est in animis hominum, in
aeternitate temporum, fama rerum. Nam multos veterum, velut inglorios, et
ignobiles, oblivio obruet: Agricola posteritati narratus et traditus
superstes erit.

NOTES

TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS.

Several words, which occur most frequently in the Notes, are abbreviated.
Of these the following classes may require explanation. The other
abbreviations are either familiar or sufficiently obvious of themselves.

1. WORKS OF TACITUS.

A. Agricola.
Ann. Annals.
G. Germania.
H. Histories.
T. Tacitus.

2. ANNOTATORS CITED AS AUTHORITIES.

Br. Brotier.
D. or Död. Döderlein.
Dr. Dronke.
E. Ernesti.
Gr. Gruber.
Gün. Günther.
K. Kiessling.
Ky. Kingsley.
Mur. Murphy.
Or. Orelli.
Pass. Passow.
R. Roth.
Rhen. Rhenanus.
Rit. Ritter.
Rup. Ruperti.
W. Walch.
Wr. Walther.

3. OTHER AUTHORITIES.

H. Harkness' Latin Grammar.
Beck. Gall. Becker's Gallus.
Böt. Lex. Tac. Bötticher's Lexicon Taciteun.
For. and Fac. Forcellini and Facciolati's Latin Lexicon.
Tur. His. Ang. Sax. Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons.
Z. Zumpt's Latin Grammar.

GERMANIA.

The Treatise DE SITU, MORIBUS ET POPULIS GERMANIAE, was written (as
appears from the treatise itself see § 37) in the second consulship of
the Emperor Trajan, A.U.C. 851, A.D. 98. The design of the author in its
publication has been variously interpreted. From the censure which it
frequently passes upon the corruption and degeneracy of the times, it has
been considered as a mere satire upon Roman manners, in the age of
Tacitus. But to say nothing of the ill adaptation of the whole plan to a
satirical work, there are large parts of the treatise, which must have
been prepared with great labor, and yet can have no possible bearing on
such a design. Satires are not wont to abound in historical notices and
geographical details, especially touching a foreign and distant land.

The same objection lies against the political ends, which have been
imputed to the author, such as the persuading of Trajan to engage, or
not to engage, in a war with the Germans, as the most potent and
dangerous enemy of Rome. For both these aims have been alleged, and we
might content ourselves with placing the one as an offset against the
other. But aside from the neutralizing force of such contradictions,
wherefore such an imposing array of geographical research, of historical
lore, of political and moral philosophy, for the accomplishment of so
simple a purpose? And why is the purpose so scrupulously concealed, that
confessedly it can be gathered only from obscure intimations, and those
of ambiguous import? Besides, there are passages whose tendency must have
been directly counter to either of these alleged aims (cf. note § 33).
The author does indeed, in the passage just cited, seem to appreciate
with almost prophetic accuracy, those dangers to the Roman Empire, which
were so fearfully illustrated in its subsequent fall beneath the power of
the German Tribes; and he utters, as what true Roman would not in such
forebodings, the warnings and the prayers of a patriot sage. But he does
this only in episodes, which are so manifestly incidental, and yet arise
so naturally out of the narrative or description, that it is truly
surprising it should ever have occurred to any reader, to seek in them
the key to the whole treatise.

The entire warp and woof of the work is obviously historical and
geographical. The satire, the political maxims, the moral sentiments,
and all the rest, are merely incidental, interwoven for the sake of
instruction and embellishment, inwrought because a mind so thoughtful and
so acute as that of Tacitus, could not leave them out. Tacitus had long
been collecting the materials for his Roman Histories. In so doing, his
attention was necessarily drawn often and with special interest to a
people, who, for two centuries and more, had been the most formidable
enemy of the Roman State. In introducing them into his history, he would
naturally wish to give some preliminary account of their origin, manners,
and institutions, as he does in introducing the Jews in the Fifth Book of
his Histories, which happens to be, in part, preserved. Nor would it be
strange, if he should, with this view, collect a mass of materials, which
he could not incorporate entire into a work of such compass, and which
any slight occasion might induce him to publish in a separate form,
perhaps as a sort of forerunner to his Histories. [It has even been
argued by highly respectable scholars, that the Germania of Tacitus is
itself only such a collection of materials, not published by the Author,
and never intended for publication in that form. But it is quite too
methodical, too studied, and too finished a work to admit of that
supposition (cf. Prolegom. of K.).] Such an occasion now was furnished
in the campaigns and victories of Trajan, who, at the time of his
elevation to the imperial power, was at the head of the Roman armies in
Germany, where he also remained for a year or more after his accession to
the throne, till he had received the submission of the hostile tribes and
wiped away the disgrace which the Germans, beyond any other nation of
that age, had brought upon the Roman arms. Such a people, at such a time,
could not fail to be an object of deep interest at Rome. This was the
time when Tacitus published his work on Germany; and such are believed
to have been the motives and the circumstances, which led to the
undertaking. His grand object was not to point a satire or to compass a
political end, but as he himself informs us (§ 27), to treat of the
origin and manners, the geography and history, of the German Tribes.

The same candor and sincerity, the same correctness and truthfulness,
which characterize the Histories, mark also the work on Germany. The
author certainly aimed to speak the truth, and nothing but the truth, on
the subject of which he treats. Moreover, he had abundant means of
knowing the truth, on all the main points, in the character and history
of the Germans. It has even been argued from such expression as vidimus
(§ 8), that Tacitus had himself been in Germany, and could, therefore,
write from personal observation. Bnt the argument proceeds on a
misinterpretation of his language (cf. note in loc. cit.). And the use
of accepimus (as in § 27), shows that he derived his information from
others. But the Romans had been in constant intercourse and connection,
civil or military, with the Germans, for two hundred years. Germany
furnished a wide theatre for their greatest commanders, and a fruitful
theme for their best authors, some of whom, as Julius Caesar (to whom
Tacitus particularly refers, 28), were themselves the chief actors in
what they relate. These authors, some of whose contributions to the
history of Germany are now lost (e.g. the elder Pliny, who wrote twenty
books on the German wars), must have all been in the hands of Tacitus,
and were, doubtless, consulted by him; not, however, as a servile
copyist, or mere compiler (for he sometimes differs from his authorities,
from Caesar even, whom he declares to be the best of them), but as a
discriminating and judicious inquirer. The account of German customs and
institutions may, therefore, be relied on, from the intrinsic credibility
of the author. It receives confirmation, also, from its general
accordance with other early accounts of the Germans, and with their
better known subsequent history, as well as from its strong analogy to
the well-known habits of our American aborigines, and other tribes in a
like stage of civilization (cf. note, § 15). The geographical details are
composed with all the accuracy which the ever-shifting positions and
relations of warring and wandering tribes rendered possible in the nature
of the case (cf. note, § 28). In sentiment, the treatise is surpassingly
rich and instructive, like all the works of this prince of philosophical
historians. In style, it is concise and nervous, yet quite rhetorical,
and in parts, even poetical to a fault (see notes passim, cf. also,
Monboddo's critique on the style of Tacitus). "The work," says La
Bletterie, "is brief without being superficial. Within the compass of a
few pages, it comprises more of ethics and politics, more fine
delineations of character, more substance and pith (suc), than can be
collected from many a ponderous volume. It is not one of those barely
agreeable descriptions, which gradually diffuse their influence over
the soul, and leave it in undisturbed tranquillity. It is a picture in
strong light, like the subject itself, full of fire, of sentiment, of
lightning-flashes, that go at once to the heart. We imagine ourselves
in Germany; we become familiar with these so-called barbarians; we pardon
their faults, and almost their vices, out of regard to their virtues; and
in our moments of enthusiasm, we even wish we were Germans."

The following remarks of Murphy will illustrate the value of the
treatise, to modern Europeans and their descendants. "It is a draught of
savage manners, delineated by a masterly hand; the more interesting, as
the part of the world which it describes was the seminary of the modern
European nations, the VAGINA GENTIUM, as historians have emphatically
called it. The work is short but, as Montesquieu observes, it is the work
of a man who abridged every thing, because he knew every thing. A
thorough knowledge of the transactions of barbarous ages, will throw more
light than is generally imagined on the laws of modern times. Wherever
the barbarians, who issued from their northern hive, settled in new
habitations, they carried with them their native genius, their original
manners, and the first rudiments of the political system which has
prevailed in different parts of Europe. They established monarchy and
liberty, subordination and freedom, the prerogative of the prince and the
rights of the subject, all united in so bold a combination, that the
fabric, in some places, stands to this hour the wonder of mankind. The
British constitution, says Montesquieu, came out of the woods of Germany.
What the state of this country (Britain) was before the arrival of our
Saxon ancestors, Tacitus has shown in the life of Agricola. If we add to
his account of the Germans and Britons, what has been transmitted to us,
concerning them, by Julius Caesar, we shall see the origin of the
Anglo-Saxon government, the great outline of that Gothic constitution
under which the people enjoy their rights and liberties at this hour.
Montesquieu, speaking of his own country, declares it impossible to form
an adequate notion of the French monarchy, and the changes of their
government, without a previous inquiry into the manners, genius, and
spirit of the German nations. Much of what was incorporated with the
institutions of those fierce invaders, has flowed down in the stream of
time, and still mingles with our modern jurisprudence. The subject, it is
conceived, is interesting to every Briton. In the manners of the Germans,
the reader will see our present frame of government, as it were, in its
cradle, gentis cunabula nostrae! in the Germans themselves, a fierce
and warlike people, to whom this country owes that spirit of liberty,
which, through so many centuries, has preserved our excellent form of
government, and raised the glory of the British nation:

     ------Genus unde Latinum,
Albanique patres, atque altae
moenia Romae."

CHAP. I. Germania stands first as the emphatic word, and is followed by
omnis for explanation. Germania omnis here does not include Germania
Prima and Secunda, which were Roman provinces on the left bank of the
Rhine (so called because settled by Germans). It denotes Germany
proper, as a whole, in distinction from the provinces just mentioned
and from the several tribes, of which Tacitus treats in the latter part
of the work. So Caesar (B.G. 1,1) uses Gallia omnis, as exclusive of
the Roman provinces called Gaul and inclusive of the three parts, which
he proceeds to specify.

Gallis--Pannoniis. People used for the countries. Cf. His. 5,6:
Phoenices. Gaul, now France; Rhaetia, the country of the Grisons and
the Tyrol, with part of Bavaria; Pannonia, lower Hungary and part of
Austria. Germany was separated from Gaul by the Rhine; from Rhaetia and
Pannonia, by the Danube.--Rheno et Danubio. Rhine and Rhone are
probably different forms of the same root (Rh-n). Danube, in like manner,
has the same root as Dnieper (Dn-p); perhaps also the same as Don and
Dwina (D-n). Probably each of these roots was originally a generic name
for river, water, stream. So there are several Avons in England and
Scotland. Cf. Latham's Germania sub voc.

Sarmatis Dacisque. The Slavonic Tribes were called Sarmatians by the
ancients. Sarmatia included the country north of the Carpathian
Mountains, between the Vistula and the Don in Europe, together with the
adjacent part of Asia, without any definite limits towards the north,
which was terra incognita to the ancients--in short, Sarmatia was
Russia, as far as known at that time. Dacia lay between the
Carpathian mountains on the north, and the Danube on the south, including
Upper Hungary, Transylvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia.

Mutuo metu. Rather a poetical boundary! Observe also the alliteration.
At the same time, the words are not a bad description of those wide and
solitary wastes, which, as Caesar informs us (B.G. 6, 23), the Germans
delighted to interpose between themselves and other nations, so that it
might appear that no one dared to dwell near them.--Montibus. The
Carpathian.--Cetera. Ceteram Germaniae partem.

Sinus. This word denotes any thing with a curved outline (cf. 29, also
A. 23); hence bays, peninsulas, and prominent bends or borders, whether
of land or water. Here peninsulas (particularly that of Jutland, now
Denmark), for it is to the author's purpose here to speak of land rather
than water, and the ocean is more properly said to embrace peninsulas,
than gulfs and bays. Its association with islands here favors the
same interpretation. So Passow, Or., Rit. Others, with less propriety,
refer it to the gulfs and bays, which so mark the Baltic and the
German Oceans.--Oceanus here, includes both the Baltic Sea, and the
German Ocean (Oceanus Septentrionalis).

Insularum--spatia. Islands of vast extent, viz. Funen, Zealand, &c.
Scandinavia also (now Sweden and Norway) was regarded by the ancients as
an island, cf. Plin. Nat. His. iv. 27: quarum (insularum) clarissima
Scandinavia est, incompertae magnitudinis.

Nuper--regibus. Understand with this clause ut compertum est. The
above mentioned features of the Northern Ocean had been discovered
in the prosecution of the late wars, of the Romans, among the tribes
and kings previously unknown. Nuper is to be taken in a general
sense==recentioribus temporibus, cf. nuper additum, § 2, where it goes
back one hundred and fifty years to the age of Julius Caesar.--Bellum.
War in general, no particular war.--Versus. This word has been
considered by some as an adverb, and by others as a preposition. It is
better however to regard it as a participle, like ortus, with which it
is connected, though without a conjunction expressed. Ritter omits in.

Molli et clementer edito. Of gentle slope and moderate elevation in
studied antithesis to inaccesso ac praecipiti, lofty and steep. In like
manner, jugo, ridge, summit, is contrasted with vertice, peak,
height, cf. Virg. Ecl. 9, 7: molli clivo; Ann. 17, 38: colles
clementer assurgentes. The Rhaetian Alps, now the mountains of the
Grisons. Alp is a Celtic word==hill. Albion has the same root==hilly
country. Mons Abnoba (al. Arnoba) is the northern part of the
Schwartzwald, or Black Forest.--Erumpat, al. erumpit. But the best MSS.
and all the recent editions have erumpat: and Tacitus never uses the
pres. ind. after donec, until, cf. Rup. & Rit. in loc. Whenever he uses
the present after donec, until, he seems to have conceived the relation
of the two clauses, which it connects, as that of a means to an end, or a
condition to a result, and hence to have used the subj. cf. chap. 20:
separet; 31: absolvat; 35: sinuetur; Ann. 2, 6: misceatur. The
two examples last cited, like this, describe the course of a river and
boundary line. For the general rule of the modes after donec, see H.
522; Z. 575. See also notes H. 1, 13. 35.--Septimum. According to the
common understanding, the Danube had seven mouths. So Strabo, Mela,
Ammian, and Ovid; Pliny makes six. T. reconciles the two accounts. The
enim inserted after septimum in most editions is not found in the
best mss. and is unnecessary. Or. & Rit. omit it.

II. Ipsos marks the transition from the country to the people--the
Germans themselves. So A. 13: Ipsi Britanni.

Crediderim. Subj. attice. A modest way of expressing his opinion, like
our: I should say, I am inclined to think. H. 486, I. 3; Z. 527.

Adventibus et hospitiis. Immigrants and visitors. Adventibus certae
sedes, hospitiis preregrinationes significantur. Gün. Both abstract for
concrete. Död. compares [Greek: epoikoi] and [Greek: metoikoi].

Terra--advehebantur. Zeugma for terra adveniebant, classibus
advehebantur. H. 704, I. 2; Z. 775.

Nec--et. These correlatives connect the members more closely than
et--et; as in Greek oute-te. The sentiment here advanced touching
colonization (as by sea, rather than by land), though true of Carthage,
Sicily, and most Grecian, colonies, is directly the reverse of the
general fact; and Germany itself is now known to have received its
population by land emigration, from western Asia. The Germans, as we
learn from affinities of languages and occasional references of
historians and geographers, belonged to the same great stock of the human
family with the Goths and Scythians, and may be traced back to that hive
of nations, that primitive residence of mankind, the country east and
south of the Caspian Sea and in the vicinity of Mount Ararat: cf. Tur.
His. Ang. Sax. B. II. C. 1; also Donaldson's New Cratylus, B. I. Chap. 4.
Latham's dogmatic skepticism will hardly shake the now established faith
on this subject. The science of ethnography was unknown to the ancients.
Tacitus had not the remotest idea, that all mankind were sprung from a
common ancestry, and diffused themselves over the world from a common
centre, a fact asserted in the Scriptures, and daily receiving fresh
confirmation from literature and science. Hence he speaks of the Germans
as indigenas, which he explains below by editum terra, sprung from
the earth, like the mutum et turpe pecus of Hor. Sat. 1. 3, 100. cf.
A. 11.

Mutare quaerebant. Quaerere with inf. is poet. constr., found, however,
in later prose writers, and once in Cic. (de Fin. 313: quaeris scire,
enclosed in brackets in Tauchnitz's edition), to avoid repetition of
cupio. Cupio or volo mutare would be regular classic prose.

Adversus. That the author here uses adversus in some unusual and
recondite sense, is intimated by the clause: ut sic dixerim. It is
understood by some, of a sea unfriendly to navigation. But its
connexion by que with immensus ultra, shows that it refers to
position, and means lying opposite, i.e., belonging, as it were, to
another hemisphere or world from ours; for so the Romans regarded the
Northern Ocean and Britain itself, cf. A 12: ultra nostri orbis
mensuram; G. 17: exterior oceanus. So Cic. (Som. Scip. 6.) says:
Homines partim obliquos, partim aversos, partim etiam adversos, stare
vobis. This interpretation is confirmed by ab orbe nostra in the
antithesis. On the use of ut sic dixerim for ut sic dicam, which is
peculiar to the silver age, see Z. 528.

Asia, sc. Minor. Africa, sc. the Roman Province of that name,
comprising the territory of Carthage.--Peteret. The question implies a
negative answer, cf. Z. 530. The subj. implies a protasis understood: if
he could, or the like. H. 502.

Sit. Praesens, ut de re vera. Gün. Nisi si is nearly equivalent to
nisi forte: unless perchance; unless if we may suppose the case. Cf.
Wr. note on Ann. 2, 63, and Hand's Tursellinus, 3, 240.

Memoriae et annalium. Properly opposed to each other as tradition and
written history, though we are not to infer that written books existed
in Germany in the age of Tacitus.

Carminibus. Songs, ballads (from cano). Songs and rude poetry have
been, in all savage countries, the memorials of public transactions,
e.g. the runes of the Goths, the bards of the Britons and Celts, the
scalds of Scandinavia, &c.

Tuisconem. The god from whom Tuesday takes its name, as Wednesday from
Woden, Thursday from Thor, &c., cf. Sharon Turner's His. of Ang. Sax.
app. to book 2. chap. 3. Some find in the name of this god the root of
the words Teutonic, Dutch (Germ. Deutsche or Teutsche &c.,) Al. Tuistonem,
Tristonem, &c. More likely it has the same root as the Latin divus,
dius, deus, and the Greek theios, dios, theos, cf. Grimm's Deutsche
Mythologie, sub v.

Terra editum==indigena above; and gaegenaes and autochthon in Greek.

Originem==auctores. It is predicate after Mannum.

Ut in licentia vetustatis. As in the license of antiquity, i.e. since
such license is allowed in regard to ancient times.

Ingaevones. "According to some German antiquaries, the Ingaevones are
die Einwohner, those dwelling inwards towards the sea; the Istaevones
are die Westwohner, the inhabitants of the western parts; and the
Hermiones are the Herumwohner, midland inhabitants," Ky. cf.
Kiessling in loc. Others, e.g. Zeuss and Grimm, with more probability,
find in these names the roots of German words significant of honor
and bravery, assumed by different tribes or confederacies as epithets
or titles of distinction. Grimm identifies these three divisions with
the Franks, Saxons, and Thuringians of a later age. See further, note
chap. 27.

Vocentur. The subj. expresses the opinion of others, not the direct
affirmation of the author. H. 529; Z. 549.

Deo==hoc deo, sc. Mannus--Germ. Mann, Eng. Man.

Marsos, Gambrivios. Under the names of Franci and Salii these tribes
afterwards became formidable to the Romans. Cf. Prichard's Researches
into the Physical History of Mankind, Vol. III. chap. 6, sec. 2.--
Suevos, cf. note, 38.--Vandalios. The Vandals, now so familiar in
history.

Additum, sc. esse, depending on affirmant.

Nunc Tungri, sc. vocentur, cf. His. 4, 15, 16. In confirmation of the
historical accuracy of this passage, Gr. remarks, that Caes. (B.G. 2, 4)
does not mention the Tungri, but names four tribes on the left bank of
the Rhine, who, he says, are called by the common name of Germans;
while Pliny (Nat. His. 4, 31), a century later, gives not the names of
these four tribes, but calls them by the new name Tungri.

Ita--vocarentur. Locus vexatissimus! exclaim all the critics. And so
they set themselves to amend the text by conjecture. Some have written
in nomen gentis instead of non gentis. Others have proposed a
victorum metu, or a victo ob metum, or a victis ob metum. But these
emendations are wholly conjectural and unnecessary. Günther and Walch
render a victore, from the victorious tribe, i.e. after the name of
that tribe. But a se ipsis means by themselves; and the antithesis
doubtless requires a to be understood in the same sense in both
clauses. Grüber translates and explains thus: "In this way the name of a
single tribe, and not of the whole people, has come into use, so that
all, at first by the victor (the Tungri), in order to inspire fear, then
by themselves (by the mouth of the whole people), when once the name
became known, were called by the name of Germans. That is, the Tungri
called all the kindred tribes that dwelt beyond the Rhine, Germans, in
order to inspire fear by the wide extension of the name, since they gave
themselves out to be a part of so vast a people; but at length all the
tribes began to call themselves by this name, probably because they were
pleased to see the fear which it excited." This is, on the whole, the
most satisfactory explanation of the passage, and meets the essential
concurrence of Wr., Or. and Död.--Germani. If of German etymology,
this word==gehr or wehr (Fr. guerre) and mann, men of war; hence the
metus, which the name carried with it. If it is a Latin word
corresponding only in sense with the original German, then==brethren.
It will be seen, that either etymology would accord with Grüber's
explanation of the whole passage--in either case, the name would
inspire fear. The latter, however, is the more probable, cf. Ritter in
loc. A people often bear quite different names abroad from that by which
they call themselves at home. Thus the people, whom we call Germans,
call themselves Deutsche (Dutch), and are called by the French
Allemands, cf. Latham. Vocarentur is subj. because it stands in a
subordinate clause of the oratio obliqua, cf. H. 531; Z. 603.

Metum. Here taken in an active sense; oftener passive, but used in
both senses. Quintilian speaks of metum duplicem, quem patimur et quem
facimus (6, 2, 21). cf. A. 44: nihil metus in vultu, i.e., nothing to
inspire fear in his countenance. In like manner admiratio (§ 7) is used
for the admiration which one excites, though it usually denotes the
admiration which one feels. For ob, cf. Ann. 1, 79: ob moderandas
Tiberis exundationes.

Nationis--gentis. Gens is often used by T. as a synonym with natio.
But in antithesis, gens is the whole, of which nationes or populi
are the parts, e.g. G. 4: populos--gentem; § 14: nationes--genti. In
like manner, in the civil constitution of Rome, a gens included several
related families.

III. Herculem. That is, Romana interpretatione, cf. § 34. The Romans
found their gods everywhere, and ascribed to Hercules, quidquid ubique
magnificum est, cf. note 34: quicquid--consensimus. That this is a
Roman account of the matter is evident, from the use of eos, for if
the Germans were the subject of memorant, se must have been used. On
the use of et here, cf. note 11.

Primum--ut principem, fortissimum. Gün.

Haec quoque. Haec is rendered such by Ritter. But it seems rather,
as Or. and Död. explain it, to imply nearness and familiarity to the mind
of the author and his readers: these well known songs. So 20: in haec
corpora, quae miramur. Quoque, like quidem, follows the emphatic
word in a clause, H. 602, III. 1; Z. 355.

Relatu, called cantus trux, H. 2, 22. A Tacitean word. Freund. Cf. H.
1, 30.

Baritum. Al. barditum and barritum. But the latter has no ms.
authority, and the former seems to have been suggested by the bards of
the Gauls, of whose existence among the Germans however there is no
evidence. Död. says the root of the word is common to the Greek, Latin,
and German languages, viz. baren, i.e. fremere, a verb still used by
the Batavians, and the noun bar, i.e. carmen, of frequent occurrence
in Saxon poetry to this day.

Terrent trepidantve. They inspire terror or tremble with fear, according
as the line (the troops drawn up in battle array) has sounded, sc. the
baritus or battle cry. Thus the Batavians perceived, that the sonitus
aciei on the part of the Romans was more feeble than their own, and
pressed on, as to certain triumph. H. 4, 18. So the Highlanders augured
victory, if their shouts were louder than those of the enemy. See Murphy
in loco.

Repercussu. A post-Augustan word. The earlier Latin authors would have
said repercussa, or repercutiendo. The later Latin, like the English,
uses more abstract terms.--Nec tam--videntur. Nor do those carmina seem
to be so much voices (well modulated and harmonized), as acclamations
(unanimous, but inarticulate and indistinct) of courage. So Pliny uses
concentus of the acclamations of the people. Panegyr. 2. It is often
applied by the poets to the concerts of birds, as in Virg. Geor. 1, 422.
It is here plural, cf. Or. in loc. The reading vocis is without MS.
authority.

Ulixem. "The love of fabulous history, which was the passion of ancient
times, produced a new Hercules in every country, and made Ulysses wander
on every shore. Tacitus mentions it as a romantic tale; but Strabo seems
willing to countenance the fiction, and gravely tells us that Ulysses
founded a city, called Odyssey, in Spain. Lipsius observes, that Lisbon,
in the name of Strabo, had the appellation of Ulysippo, or Olisipo. At
this rate, he pleasantly adds, what should hinder us inhabitants of the
Low Countries from asserting that Ulysses built the city of Ulyssinga,
and Circe founded that of Circzea or Ziriczee?" Murphy.

Fabuloso errore. Storied, celebrated in song, cf. fabulosus Hydaspes.
Hor. Od. 1, 227. Ulysses having wandered westward gave plausibility to
alleged traces of him in Gaul, Spain and Germany--Asciburgium. Now
Asburg.

Quin etiam, cf. notes, 13: quin etiam, and 14: quin immo.--Ulixi,
i.e. ab Ulixe, cf. Ann. 15,41: Aedes statoris Jovis Romulo vota, i.e. by
Romulus. This usage is especially frequent in the poets and the later
prose writers, cf. H. 388, II. 3; Z. 419; and in T. above all others, cf.
Böt. Lex. Tac. sub Dativus. Wr. and Rit. understand however an altar
(or monument) consecrated to Ulysses, i.e. erected in honor of him by the
citizens.

Adjecto. Inscribed with the name of his father, as well as his own,
i.e. [Greek: Laertiadae].

Graecis litteris. Grecian characters, cf. Caes. B.G. 1, 29: In castris
Helvetiorum, tabulae repertae sunt litteris Graecis confectae; and
(6, 14): Galli in publicis privatisque rationibus Graecis utuntur
litteris. T. speaks (Ann. 11, 14) of alphabetic characters, as passing
from Phenicia into Greece, and Strabo (4, 1) traces them from the Grecian
colony at Marseilles, into Gaul, whence they doubtless passed into
Germany, and even into Britain.

IV. Aliis aliarum. The Greek and Latin are both fond of a repetition
of different cases of the same word, even where one of them is redundant,
e.g. [Greek: oioden oios] (Hom. II. 7, 39), and particularly in the
words [Greek: allos] and alius. Aliis is not however wholly
redundant; but brings out more fully the idea: no intermarriages, one
with one nation, and another with another. Walch and Ritter omit
aliis, though it is found in all the MSS.

Infectos. Things are said infici and imbui, which are so penetrated
and permeated by something else, that that something becomes a part of
its nature or substance, as inficere colore, sanguine, veneno, animum
virtutibus. It does not necessarily imply corruption or degeneracy.

Propriam--similem. Three epithets not essentially different used for
the sake of emphasis==peculiar, pure, and sui-generis. Similis takes
the gen., when it expresses, as here, an internal resemblance in
character; otherwise the dat., cf. Z. 411, H. 391, 2. 4.

Habitus. Form and features, external appearance. The physical features
of the Germans as described by Tacitus, though still sufficient to
distinguish them from the more southern European nations, have proved
less permanent than their mental and social characteristics.

Idem omnibus. Cf. Juv. 13, 164:

_Caerula_ quis stupuit _Germani lumina? flavam
Caesariem_, et madido torquentem cornua cirro?
Nempe quod haec illis natura est _omnibus una_.

Magna corpora. "Sidonius Apollinaris says, that, being in Germany and
finding the men so very tall, he could not address verses of six feet to
patrons who were seven feet high:

Spernit senipedem stilum Thalia,
Ex quo septipedes vidit patronos."    Mur.

Skeletons, in the ancient graves of Germany, are found to vary from 5 ft.
10 in. to 6 ft. 10 in. and even 7 ft. Cf. Ukert, Geog. III. 1. p. 197.
These skeletons indicate a strong and well formed body.

Impetum. Temporary exertion, as opposed to persevering toil and
effort, laboris atque operum.

Eadem. Not so much patientia, as ad impetum valida. See a like
elliptical use of idem § 23: eadem temperantia; § 10: iisdem nemoribus.
Also of totidem § 26.

Minime--assueverunt. "Least of all, are they capable of sustaining
thirst and heat; cold and hunger, they are accustomed, by their soil and
climate, to endure." Ky. The force of minime is confined to the first
clause, and the proper antithetic particle is omitted at the beginning of
the second. Tolerare depends on assueverunt, and belongs to both
clauses. Ve is distributive, referring coelo to frigora and solo
to inediam. So vel in H. 1, 62: strenuis vel ignavis spem metumque
addere==strenuis spem, ignavis metum addere.

V. Humidior--ventosior. Humidior refers to paludibus, ventosior to
silvis; the mountains (which were exposed to sweeping winds) being
for the most part covered with forests, and the low grounds with marshes.
Ventosus==Homeric [Greek: aenemoeis], windy, i.e. lofty. H. 3, 305:
[Greek: Ilion aenemoessan].

Satis ferax. Satis==segetibus poetice. Ferax is constructed with
abl., vid. Virg. Geor. 2, 222: ferax oleo.

Impatiens. Not to be taken in the absolute sense, cf. § 20, 23, 26,
where fruit trees and fruits are spoken of.

Improcera agrees with pecora understood.

Armentis. Pecora--flocks in general. Armenta (from aro, to plough),
larger cattle in particular. It may include horses.

Suus honor. Their proper, i.e. usual size and beauty.

Gloria frontis. Poetice for cornua. Their horns were small.

Numero. Emphatic: number, rather than quality. Or, with Ritter,
gaudent may be taken in the sense of enjoy, possess: they have a good
number of them. In the same sense he interprets gaudent in A. 44:
opibus nimiis non gaudebat.

Irati, sc. quia opes sunt irritamenta malorum. Ov. Met. 1, 140.--
Negaverint. Subj. H. 525; Z. 552--Affirmaverim. cf. note, 2:
crediderim.

Nullam venam. "Mines of gold and silver have since been discovered in
Germany; the former, indeed, inconsiderable, but the latter valuable."
Ky. T. himself in his later work (the Annals), speaks of the discovery of
a silver mine in Germany. Ann. 11, 20.

Perinde. Not so much as might be expected, or as the Romans, and
other civilized nations. So Gronovius, Död. and most commentators. See
Rup. in loc. Others, as Or. and Rit. allow no ellipsis, and render: not
much. See Hand's Tursellinus, vol. IV. p. 454. We sometimes use not so
much, not so very, not so bad, &c., for not very, not much, and not
bad. Still the form of expression strictly implies a comparison. And the
same is true of haud perinde, cf. Böt. Lex. Tac.

Est videre. Est for licet. Graece et poetice. Not so used in the
earlier Latin prose. See Z. 227.

Non in alia vilitate, i.e. eadem vilitate, aeque vilia, held in the
same low estimation.--Humo. Abl. of material.

Proximi, sc. ad ripam. Nearest to the Roman border, opposed to
interiores.

Serratos. Not elsewhere mentioned; probably coins with serrated edges,
still found. The word is post-Augustan.

Bigatos. Roman coins stamped with a biga or two-horse chariot. Others
were stamped with a quadriga and called quadrigati. The bigati seem to
have circulated freely in foreign lands, cf. Ukert's Geog. of Greeks and
Romans, III. 1: Trade of Germany, and places cited there. "The serrati
and bigati were old coins, of purer silver than those of tho Emperors."
Ky. Cf. Pliny, H. N. 33, 13.

Sequuntur. Sequi==expetere. So used by Cic., Sal., and the best
writers. Compare our word seek.

Nulla affectione animi. Not from any partiality for the silver in
itself (but for convenience).

Numerus. Greater number and consequently less relative value of the
silver coins. On quia, cf. note, H. 1, 31.

VI. Ne--quidem. Not even, i.e. iron is scarce as well as gold and
silver. The weapons found in ancient German graves are of stone, and
bear a striking resemblance to those of the American Indians. Cf. Ukert,
p. 216. Ad verba, cf. note, His. 1, 16: ne--fueris. The emphatic word
always stands between ne and quidem. H. 602, III. 2; Z. 801.--
Superest. Is over and above, i.e. abounds. So superest ager, § 26.

Vel. Pro sive, Ciceroni inauditum. Gün. Cf. note, 17.

Frameas. The word is still found in Spain, as well as Germany.
Lancea. is also a Spanish word, cf. Freund.

Nudi. Cf. § 17, 20, and 24. Also Caes., B.G. 6, 21: magna corporis
parte nuda.

Sagulo. Dim. of sago. A small short cloak.--Leves==Leviter induti.
The clause nudi--leves is added here to show, that their dress is
favorable to the use of missiles.

Missilia spargunt. Dictio est Virgiliana. K.

Coloribus. Cf. nigra scuta, § 43. "Hence coats of arms and the origin
of heraldry." Mur.

Cultus. Military equipments. Cultus complectitur omnia, quae studio et
arte eis, quae natura instituit, adduntur. K.

Cassis aut galea. Cassis, properly of metal; galea of leather (Gr.:
galen); though the distinction is not always observed.

Equi--conspicui. Cf. Caes. B.G. 4, 2, 7, 65.

Sed nec variare. But (i.e. on the other hand) they are not even
(for nec in this sense see Ritter in loc.) taught to vary their
curves (i.e. as the antithesis shows, to bend now towards the right and
now towards the left in their gyrations), but they drive them straight
forward or by a constant bend towards the right in so connected a circle
(i.e. a complete ring), that no one is behind (for the obvious reason,
that there is neither beginning nor end to such a ring). Such is on the
whole the most satisfactory explanation of this difficult passage, which
we can give after a careful examination. A different version was given in
the first edition. It refers not to battle, but to equestrian exercises,
cf. Gerlach, as cited by Or. in loc.

Aestimanti. Greek idiom. Elliptical dative, nearly equivalent to the
abl. abs. (nobis aestimantibus), and called by some the dat. abs. In A.
II. the ellipsis is supplied by credibile est. Cf. Bötticher's Lex.
Tac. sub Dativus.

Eoque mixti. Eo, causal particle==for that reason. Caesar adopted this
arrangement in the battle of Pharsalia. B.C. 3, 84. The Greeks also had
[Greek: pezoi amippoi]. Xen. Hellen. 7, 5.

Centeni. A hundred is a favorite number with the Germans and their
descendants. Witness the hundred pagi of the Suevi (Caes. B.G. 4, 1),
and of the Semnones (G. 39), the cantons of Switzerland, and the
hundreds of our Saxon ancestors in England. The centeni here are a
military division. In like manner, Caesar (B.G. 4, 1) speaks of a
thousand men drafted annually from each pagus of the Suevi, for
military service abroad.

Idque ipsum. Predicate nominative after a verb of calling, H. 362,
2. 2; Z. 394. The division was called a hundred, and each man in it a
hundreder; and such was the estimation in which this service was held,
that to be a hundreder, became an honorable distinction, nomen et
honor==honorificum nomen.

Cuneos. A body of men arranged in the form of a wedge, i.e. narrow in
front and widening towards the rear; hence peculiarly adapted to break
the lines of the enemy.

Consilii quam formidinis. Supply magis. The conciseness of T.
leads him often to omit one of two correlative particles, cf. note on
minime, 4.

Referunt. Carry into the rear, and so secure them for burial.

Etiam in dubiis proeliis. Even while the battle remains undecided. Gün.

Finierunt. In a present or aorist sense, as often in T. So
prohibuerunt, § 10; placuit and displicuit, 11. cf. Lex. Tac. Böt.

VII. Reges, civil rulers; duces, military commanders. Ex==
secundum. So ex ingenio, § 3. The government was elective, yet not
without some regard to hereditary distinctions. They chose (sumunt)
their sovereign, but chose him from the royal family, or at least one of
noble extraction. They chose also their commander--the king, if he was
the bravest and ablest warrior; if not, they were at liberty to choose
some one else. And among the Germans, as among their descendants, the
Franks, the authority of the commander was quite distinct from, and
sometimes (in war) paramount to, that of the king. Here Montesquieu and
others find the original of the kings of the first race in the French
monarchy, and the mayors of the palace, who once had so much power in
France. Cf. Sp. of Laws, B. 31, chap. 4.

Nec is correlative to et. The kings on the one hand do not possess
unlimited or unrestrained authority, and the commanders on the other, &c.
Infinita==sine modo; libera==sine vinculo. Wr. Potestas==rightful
power, authority; potentia==power without regard to right, ability,
force, cf. note, 42. Ad rem, cf. Caes. B.G. 5, 27. Ambiorix tells Caesar,
that though he governed, yet the people made laws for him, and the
supreme power was shared equally between him and them.

Exemplo--imperio. "Dative after sunt==are to set an example, rather
than to give command." So Grüber and Död. But Wr. and Rit. with more
reason consider them as ablatives of means limiting a verb implied in
duces: commanders (command) more by example, than by authority
(official power). See the principle well stated and illustrated in
Döderlein's Essay on the style of Tacitus, p. 15, in my edition of the
Histories.

Admiratione praesunt. Gain influence, or ascendency, by means of the
admiration which they inspire, cf. note on metus, § 2.

Agant. Subj., ut ad judicium admirantium, non mentem scriptoris
trahatur. Gün.

Animadvertere==interficere. Cf. H. 1, 46. 68. None but the priests are
allowed to put to death, to place in irons, nor even (ne quidem) to
scourge. Thus punishment was clothed with divine authority.

Effigies et signa. Images and standards, i.e. images, which serve for
standards. Images of wild beasts are meant, cf. H. 4, 22: depromptae
silvis lucisve ferarum imagines.--Turmam, cavalry. Cuneum, infantry,
but sometimes both. Conglobatio is found only in writers after the
Augustan age and rarely in them. It occurs in Sen. Qu. Nat. 1, 15, cf.
Freund.

Familiae is less comprehensive than propinquitates. Audiri, sc.
solent. Cf. A. 34 ruere. Wr. calls it histor. inf., and Rit. pronounces
it a gloss.

Pignora. Whatever is most dear, particularly mothers, wives, and
children.--Unde, adv. of place, referring to in proximo.

Vulnera ferunt, i.e. on their return from battle.

Exigere. Examine, and compare, to see who has the most and the most
honorable, or perhaps to soothe and dress them.--Cibos et hortamina.
Observe the singular juxtaposition of things so unlike. So 1: metu aut
montibus; A. 25: copiis et laetitia; 37: nox et satietas; 38:
gaudio praedaque.

VIII. Constantia precum==importunate entreaties.

Objectu pectorum. By opposing their breasts, not to the enemy but to
their retreating husbands, praying for death in preference to captivity.

Monstrata--captivitate. Cominus limits captivitate, pointing to
captivity as just before them.--Impatientius. Impatienter and
impatientia (the adv. and the subst.) are post-Augustan words. The adj.
(impatiens) is found earlier. Cf. Freund.

Feminarum--nomine, i.e. propter feminas suas. Gün. So Cic.: tuo nomine
et reipublicae==on your account and for the sake of the republic. But it
means perhaps more than that here, viz. in the person of. They dreaded
captivity more for their women than for themselves. Adeo==insomuch
that.

Inesse, sc. feminis. They think, there is in their women something
sacred and prophetic. Cf. Caes. B.G. 1, 50, where Caesar is informed by
the prisoners, that Ariovistus had declined an engagement because the
women had declared against coming to action before the new moon.--
Consilia, advice in general; responsa, inspired answers, when
consulted.

Vidimus, i.e. she lived in our day--under the reign of Vespasian.--
Veledam. Cf. H. 4, 61. 65.

Auriniam. Aurinia seems to have been a common name in Germany for
prophetess or wise woman. Perhaps==Al-runas, women knowing all things. So
Veleda==wise woman. Cf. Wr. in loc.

Non adulatione, etc. "Not through adulation, nor as if they were
raising mortals to the rank of goddesses." Ky. This is one of those
oblique censures on Roman customs in which the treatise abounds. The
Romans in the excess of their adulation to the imperial family made
ordinary women goddesses, as Drusilla, sister of Caligula, the infant
daughter of Poppaea (Ann. 15, 23), and Poppaea herself (Dio 63, 29). The
Germans, on the other hand, really thought some of their wise women to be
divine. Cf. His. 4, 62, and my note ibid. Reverence and affection for
woman was characteristic of the German Tribes, and from them has diffused
itself throughout European society.

IX. Deorum. T. here, as elsewhere, applies Roman names, and puts a
Roman construction (Romana interpretatione, § 43), upon the gods of other
nations, cf. § 3.

Mercurium. So Caes. B.G. 6, 17: Deum maxime Mercurium colunt. Probably
the German Woden, whose name is preserved in our Wednesday, as that of
Mercury is in the French name of the same day, and who with a name
slightly modified (Woden, Wuotan, Odin), was a prominent object of
worship among all the nations of Northern Europe. Mars is perhaps the
German god of war (Tiw, Tiu, Tuisco) whence Tuesday, French Mardi, cf.
Tur. His. Ang. Sax. App. to B. 2. chap. 3. Herculem is omitted by
Ritter on evidence (partly external and partly internal) which is
entitled to not a little consideration. Hercules is the god of strength,
perhaps Thor.

Certis diebus. Statis diebus. Gün.

Humanis--hostiis. Even facere in the sense of sacrifice is
construed with abl. Virg. Ec. 3, 77. Quoque==even. For its position in
the sentence, cf. note, 3.

Concessis animalibus. Such as the Romans and other civilized nations
offer, in contradistinction to human sacrifices, which the author
regards as in-concessa. The attempt has been made to remove from the
Germans the stain of human sacrifices. But it rests on incontrovertible
evidence (cf. Tur. His. Ang. Sax., App. to B. 2. cap. 3), and indeed
attaches to them only in common with nearly all uncivilized nations. The
Gauls and Britons, and the Celtic nations generally, carried the practice
to great lengths, cf. Caes. B.G. 6, 15. The neighbors of the Hebrews
offered human victims in great numbers to their gods, as we learn from
the Scriptures. Nay, the reproach rests also upon the Greeks and Romans
in their early history. Pliny informs us, that men were sacrificed as
late as the year of Rome 657.

Isidi. The Egyptian Isis in Germany! This shows, how far the Romans
went in comparing the gods of different nations. Gr. Ritter identifies
this goddess with the Nertha of chap. 40, the Egyptian Isis and Nertha
being both equivalent to Mother Earth, the Terra or Tellus of the Romans.

Liburnae. A light galley, so called from the Liburnians, a people of
Illyricum, who built and navigated them. The signum, here likened to a
galley, was more probably a rude crescent, connected with the worship of
the moon, cf. Caes. B.G. 6, 21: Germani deorum numero ducunt Solem et
Lunam.

Cohibere parietibus==aedificiis includere, K. T. elsewhere speaks of
temples of German divinities (e.g. 40: templum Nerthi; Ann. 1, 51:
templum Tanfanae); but a consecrated grove or any other sacred place was
called templum by the Romans (templum from [Greek: temno], cut off, set
apart).

Ex magnitudine. Ex==secundum, cf. ex nobilitate, ex virtute § 7.
Ex magnitudine is predicate after arbitrantur: they deem it unbecoming
the greatness, etc.

Humani--speciem. Images of the gods existed at a later day in Germany
(S. Tur. His. of Ang. Sax., App. to B. 2. cap. 3). But this does not
prove their existence in the days of T. Even as late as A.D. 240 Gregory
Thaumaturgus expressly declares, there were no images among the Goths. No
traces of temple-walls or images have been discovered in connection with
the numerous sites of ancient altars or places of offering which have
been exhumed in Germany, though both these are found on the borders,
both south and west, cf. Ukert, p. 236.

Lucos et nemora. "Lucus (a [Greek: lukae], crepusculum) sylva densior,
obumbrans; nemus ([Greek: nemos]) sylva rarior, in quo jumenta et pecora
pascuntur." Bredow.

Deorumque--vident. They invoke under the name of gods that mysterious
existence, which they see (not under any human or other visible form,
but) with the eye of spiritual reverence alone. So Gr. and K. Others
get another idea thus loosely expressed: They give to that sacred recess
the name of the divinity that fills the place, which is never profaned by
the steps of man.

Sola reverentia, cf. sola mente applied by T. to the spiritual
religion of the Jews, H. 5, 5. The religion of the Germans and other
northern tribes was more spiritual than that of southern nations, when
both were Pagan. And after the introduction of Christianity, the Germans
were disinclined to the image-worship of the Papists.

X. Auspicia sortesque. Auspicia (avis-spicia) properly divination by
observing the flight and cry of birds; sortes, by drawing lots: but
both often used in the general sense of omens, oracles.

Ut qui maxime, sc. observant. Ellipsis supplied by repeating
observant==to the greatest extent, none more.

Simplex. Sine Romana arte, cf. Cic. de Div. 2, 41, K. The Scythians had
a similar method of divining, Herod. 4, 67. Indeed, the practice of
divining by rods has hardly ceased to this day, among the descendants
of the German Tribes.

Temere, without plan on the part of the diviner.--Fortuito, under the
direction of chance. Gr.

Si publice consuletur. If the question to be decided is of a public
nature. Consuletur, fut., because at the time of drawing lots the
deliberation and decision are future. Or it may refer to the consultation
of the gods (cf. Ann. 14, 30: consulere deos): if it is by the state
that the gods are to be consulted. So Ritter in his last edition.

Ter singulos tollit. A three-fold drawing for the sake of certainty.
Thus Ariovistus drew lots three times touching the death of Valerius
(Caes. B.G. 1, 53). So also the Romans drew lots three times, Tibul. 1,
3, 10: sortes ter sustulit. Such is the interpretation of these disputed
words by Grüber, Ritter and many others, and such is certainly their
natural and obvious meaning: he takes up three times one after another
all the slips he has scattered (spargere is hardly applicable to
three only): if the signs are twice or thrice favorable, the thing is
permitted; if twice or thrice unfavorable it is prohibited. The language
of Caesar (in loc. cit.) is still more explicit: ter sortibus
consultum. But Or., Wr. and Död. understand simply the taking up of
three lots one each time.

Si prohibuerunt sc. sortes==dii. The reading prohibuerunt (aL
prohibuerint) is favored by the analogy of si displicuit, 11, and other
passages. Sin (==si--ne) is particularly frequent in antithesis with
si, and takes the same construction after it.

Auspiciorum--exigitur. Auspiciorum, here some other omens, than lots;
such as the author proceeds to specify. Adhuc==ad hoc, praeterea, i.e.
in addition to the lots. The sense is: besides drawing lots, the
persuasion produced by auspices is required.

Etiam hic. In Germany also (as well as at Rome and other well known
countries). Hic is referred to Rome by some. But it was hardly needful
for T. to inform the Romans of that custom at Rome.

Proprium gentis. It is a peculiarity of the German race. It is not,
however, exclusively German. Something similar prevailed among the
Persians, Herod. 1, 189. 7, 55. Darius Hystaspes was indebted to the
neighing of his horse for his elevation to the throne.

Iisdem memoribus, § 9.--Mortali opere==hominum opere.--Contacti.
Notio contaminandi inest, K.--Pressi curru. Harnessed to the sacred
chariot. More common, pressi jugo. Poetice.

Conscios sc. deorum. The priests consider themselves the servants of
the gods, the horses the confidants of the same. So Tibullus speaks of
the conscia fibra deorum. Tibul. 1, 8, 3.

Committunt. Con and mitto, send together==engage in fight. A
technical expression used of gladiators and champions.

Praejudicio. Sure prognostic. Montesquieu finds in this custom the
origin of the duel and of knight-errantry.

XI. Apud--pertractentur. Are handled, i.e. discussed, among, i.e. by
the chiefs, sc. before being referred to the people.

Nisi refers not to coeunt, but to certis diebus.

Fortuitum, casual, unforeseen; subitum, requiring immediate action.

Inchoatur--impletur. Ariovistus would not fight before the new moon,
Caes. B.G. 1, 50.

Numerum--noctium. Of which custom, we have a relic and a proof in our
seven-night and fort-night. So also the Gauls. Caes. B.G. 6, 18.

Constituunt==decree, determine; condicunt==proclaim, appoint. The
con in both implies concerted or public action. They are forensic
terms.

Nox--videtur. So with the Athenians, Macrob. Saturn. 1, 3.; and the
Hebrews, Gen. 1, 5.

Ex libertate, sc. ortum, arising from. Gün.

Nec ut jussi. Not precisely at the appointed time, but a day or two
later, if they choose.

Ut turbae placuit. Ut==simul ac, as soon as, when. It is the time of
commencing their session, that depends on the will of the multitude; not
their sitting armed, for that they always did, cf. frameas concutiunt
at the close of the section; also § 13: nihil neque publicae neque
privatae rei nisi armati agunt. To express this latter idea, the order of
the words would have been reversed thus: armati considunt.

Tum et coercendi. When the session is commenced, then (tum) the
priests have the right not merely to command silence, but also (et) to
enforce it. This use of et for etiam is very rare in Cic., but
frequent in Livy, T. and later writers. See note, His. 1, 23.

Imperatur. Imperare plus est, quam jubere. See the climax in Ter.
Eun. 2, 3, 98; jubeo, cogo atque impero. Impero is properly military
command. K.

Prout refers, not to the order of speaking, but to the degree of
influence they have over the people. Gr.--Aetas. Our word alderman
(elderman) is a proof, that office and honor were conferred on age by
our German ancestors. So senator (senex) among the Romans.

Armis laudare, i.e. armis concussis. "Montesquieu is of opinion that
in this Treatise on the manners of the Germans, an attentive reader may
trace the origin of the British constitution. That beautiful system, he
says, was formed in the forests of Germany, Sp. of Laws 11, 6. The
Saxon Witena-gemot (Parliament) was, beyond all doubt, an improved
political institution, grafted on the rights exercised by the people in
their own country." Murphy, cf. S. Tur. His. of Ang. Sax. B. 8. cap. 4

XII. Accusare--intendere. To accuse and impeach for capital crimes.
Minor offences were tried before the courts described at the end of the
section.--Quoque. In addition to the legislative power spoken of in the
previous section, the council exercised also certain judicial
functions. Discrimen capitis intendere, lit. to endeavor to bring one
in danger of losing his life.

Ignavos--infames. The sluggish, the cowardly, and the impure; for so
corpore infames usually means, and there is no sufficient reason for
adopting another sense here. Infames foeda Veneris aversae nota. K. Gr.
understands those, whose persons were disfigured by dishonorable wounds,
or who had mutilated themselves to avoid military duty. Gün. includes
both ideas: quocunque, non tantum venereo, corporis abusu contempti.

Insuper==superne. So 16: multo insuper fimo onerant.

Diversitas is a post-Augustan word, cf. Freund, sub v.

Illuc respicit. Has respect to this principle. Scelera==crimes;
flagitia==vices, low and base actions. Scelus poena, flagitium
contemptu dignum. Gün.

Levioribus delictis. Abl. abs.==when lighter offences are committed;
or abl. of circum.==in case of lighter offences.

Pro modo poenarum. Such is the reading of all the MSS. Pro modo,
poena is an ingenious conjecture of Acidalius. But it is unnecessary.
Render thus: in case of lighter offences, the convicted persons are
mulcted in a number of horses or cattle, in proportion to the severity of
the sentence adjudged to be due.

Qui vindicatur. The injured party, or plaintiff. This principle
of pecuniary satisfaction was carried to great lengths among the
Anglo-Saxons. See Turner, as cited, 21.

Qui reddunt. Whose business or custom it is to administer justice,
etc. E. proposes reddant. But it is without authority and would give a
less appropriate sense.

Centeni. Cf. note, § 6: centeni ex singulis pagis. "Sunt in quibusdam
locis Germaniae, velut Palatinatu, Franconia, etc. Zentgericht
(hundred-courts)," cf. Bernegger.

Consilia et auctoritas. Abstract for concrete==his advisers and the
supporters of his dignity.

XIII. Nihil nisi armati. The Romans wore arms only in time of war or
on a journey.

Moris, sc. est. A favorite expression of T. So 21: concedere moris
(est). And in A. 39.

Suffecturum probaverit. On examination has pronounced him competent
(sc. to bear arms). Subj. after antequam. H. 523, II.; Z. 576.

Ornant. Ornat would have been more common Latin, and would have made
better English. But this construction is not unfrequent in T., cf. 11:
rex vel princeps audiuntur. Nor is it without precedent in other authors.
Cf. Z. 374. Ritter reads propinqui. The attentive reader will discover
here traces of many subsequent usages of chivalry.

Haec toga. This is the badge of manhood among the Germans, as the toga
virilis was among the Romans. The Romans assumed the toga at the age of
seventeen. The Athenians were reckoned as [Greek: Ephaeboi] at the same
age, Xen. Cyr, 1, 2, 8. The Germans (in their colder climate) not till
the 20th year. Caes. B.G. 6, 21.

Dignationem. Rank, title. It differs from dignitas in being more
external. Cf. H. 1, 19: dignatio Caesaris; 8, 80: dignatio viri.
Ritter reads dignitatem.

Assignant. High birth or great merits of their fathers assign (i.e.
mark out, not consign, or fully confer) the title of chief even to young
men.

Gradus--habet. Observe the emphatic position of gradus, and the force
of quin etiam ipse: Gradations of rank, moreover the retinue itself
has, i.e. the retainers are not only distinguished as a body in
following such a leader, but there are also distinctions among
themselves. Quin etiam seldom occupies the second place. T. is fond of
anastrophe. Cf. Böt. Lex. Tac.

Si--emineat. If he (cuique) stands pre-eminent for the number and
valor of his followers. Comitatus is gen. Emineat, subj. pres. H. 504
et 509; Z. 524.

Ceteris--aspici. These noble youth, thus designated to the rank of
chieftains, attach themselves (for a time, with some followers perhaps)
to the other chiefs, who are older and already distinguished, nor are
they ashamed to be seen among their attendants.

Quibus--cui, sc. sit==who shall have, etc.

Ipsa fama. Mere reputation or rumor without coming to arms.

Profligant==ad finem perducunt. So Kiessling, Bötticher and Freund.
Ritter makes it==propellunt, frighten away. Profligare bella,
proelia, &c., is Tacitean. Profligare hostes, etc., is the common
expression.

XIV. Jam vero==porro. Cf. Böt. Lex. Tac. It marks a transition to a
topic of special importance. Cf. H. 1, 2. See Död, in loc.

Recessisse. All the best Latin writers are accustomed to use the
preterite after pudet, taedet, and other words of the like signification.
Gün. The cause of shame is prior to the shame.

Infame. "When Chonodomarus, king of the Alemanni, was taken prisoner by
the Romans, his military companions, to the number of two hundred, and
three of the king's most intimate friends, thinking it a most flagitious
crime to live in safety after such an event, surrendered themselves to be
loaded with fetters. Ammian. Marcell, 16, 12, 60. There are instances of
the same kind in Tacitus." Mur. Cf. also Caes. B.G. 3, 22. 7, 40.

Defendere, to defend him, when attacked; tueri, to protect him at all
times.

Praecipuum sacramentum. Their most sacred duty, Gün. and K.; or the
chief part of their oath, Gr.--Clarescunt--tuentur. So Ritter after
the best MSS. Al. clarescant--tueantur, or tueare.

Non nisi. In Cic. usually separated by a word or a clause. In T.
generally brought together.

Exigunt. They expect.--Illum--illam. Angl. this--that, cf.
hinc--hinc, A. 25.--Bellatorem equum. Cf. Virg. G. 2, 145.

Incompti--apparatus. Entertainments, though inelegant yet liberal.
Apparatus is used in the same way, Suet. Vitel. 10 and 13.--Cedunt==
iis dantur. Gün.

Nec arare, etc. The whole language of this sentence is poetical, e.g.
the use of the inf. after persuaseris, of annum for annuam mensem,
the sense of vocare and mereri, &c. Vocare, i.e. provocare, cf. H.
4, 80, and Virg. Geor. 4, 76. Mereri, earn, deserve, i.e. by bravery.

Pigrum et iners. Piger est natura ad laborem tardus; iners, in quo
nihil artis et virtutis. K. Render: a mark of stupidity and incapacity.

Quin immo. Nay but, nay more. These words connect the clause, though
not placed at the beginning, as they are by other writers. They seem to
be placed after pigrum in order to throw it into an emphatic position.
So gradus quin etiam, 13, where see note.--Possis. You, i.e., any one
can. Z. 524. Cf. note II. 1, 10: laudares. So persuaseris in the
preceding sentence. The subj. gives a contingent or potential turn==can
procure, sc. if you will would persuade, sc. if you should try. An
indefinite person is always addressed in the subj. in Latin, even when
the ind. would be used if a definite person were addressed. Z. 524.

In the chieftains and their retainers, as described in the last two
sections, the reader cannot fail to discover the germ of the feudal
system. Cf. Montesq. Sp. of Laws, 30, 3, 4; also Robertson's Chas. V.

XV. Non multum. The common reading (multum without the negative) is a
mere conjecture, and that suggested by a misapprehension of the meaning
of T. Non multum is to be taken comparatively. Though in time of peace
they hunt often, yet they spend so much more time in eating, drinking,
and sleeping, that the former is comparatively small. Thus understood,
this passage of T. is not inconsistent with the declarations of Caesar,
B.G. 6, 21: Vita Germanorum omnis in venationibus atque in studiis rei
militaris consistit. Caesar leaves out of account their periods of
inaction, and speaks only of their active employments, which were war and
the chase. It was the special object of Tacitus, on the contrary, to give
prominence to that striking feature of the German character which Caesar
overlooks; and therein, as Wr. well observes, the later historian shows
his more exact acquaintance with the Germans. Non multum, as opposed to
plus, is nearly equivalent to minus.

Venatibus, per otium. Enallage for venatibus, otio, H. 704, III. This
figure is very frequent in T., e.g. § 40: per obsequium, proeliis; A. 9:
virtute aut per artem; A. 41: temeritate aut per ignaviam, &c. Seneca,
and indeed most Latin authors, prefer a similar construction in
antithetic clauses; T. seems rather to avoid it. In all such cases
however, as the examples just cited show, per with the acc. is not
precisely equivalent to the abl. The abl. is more active and implies
means, agency; the acc. with per is more passive and denotes manner or
occasion.

Delegata, transferred.

Familiae. Household, properly of servants (from famel, Oscan for
servant), as in chapp. 25 and 32: but sometimes the whole family, as here
and in chap. 7: familiae et propinquitates.

Ipsi. The men of middle life, the heads of the familiae.

Diversitate. Contrariety.--Ament. Subj. H. 518, I.; Z. 577.--
Oderint. Perf. in the sense of the pres. H. 297, I. 2; Z. 221.

Inertiam. Inertiam==idleness, freedom from business and care (from in
and ars); quietem==tranquillity, a life of undisturbed repose without
action or excitement. Cf. 14: ingrata genti quies. In this account of
the habits of the Germans, one might easily fancy, he was reading a
description of the manner of life among our American Indians. It may be
remarked here, once for all, that this resemblance may be traced in very
many particulars, e.g. in their personal independence, in the military
chieftains and their followers, in their extreme fondness for the
hardships and dangers of war, in their strange inactivity, gluttony and
drunkenness in peace, in their deliberative assemblies and the power of
eloquence to sway their counsels, in their half elective, half hereditary
form of government, in the spirituality of their conceptions of God, and
some other features of their religion (Robertson has drawn out this
comparison in his history of Charles V). All tribes in a rude and savage
state must have many similar usages and traits of character. And this
resemblance between the well-known habits of our wandering savages and
those which T. ascribes to the rude tribes of Germany, may impress us
with confidence in the truthfulness of his narrative.

Vel armentorum vel frugum. Partitive gen. Supply aliquid.--
Vel--vel==whether--or, merely distinctive; aut--aut==either--or,
adversative and exclusive. Vel--vel (from volo) implies, that one
may choose between the alternatives or particulars named; aut--aut
(from [Greek: au, autis]), that if one is affirmed, the other is denied,
since both cannot be true at the same time. Cf. note, A. 17: aut--aut.
--Pecuniam. An oblique censure of the Romans for purchasing peace and
alliance with the Germans, cf. H. 4, 76. Herodian 6, 7: [Greek: touto
gar (sc. chrusio) malista Germanoi peithontai, philargyroi te
ontes kai taen eiraenaen aei pros tous Romaious chrusiou kapaeleuontes].
On et, cf. note 11.

XVI. Populis. Dative of the agent instead of the abl. with a or ab.
Cf. note 3: Ulixi.

Ne--quidem. These words are always separated, the word on which the
emphasis rests being placed between them. H. 602, III. 2; Z. 801. Here
however the emphasis seems to belong to the whole clause--Inter se, sc.
sedes junctas inter se.

Colunt==in-colunt. Both often used intransitively, or rather with an
ellipsis of the object,==dwell.

Discreti ac diversi. Separate and scattered in different directions,
i.e. without regular streets or highways. See Or. in loc.

Ut fons--placuit. Hence to this day, the names of German towns often
end in bach (brook), feld (field), holz (grove), wald (wood), born
(spring). On the permanence of names of places, see note H. 1, 53.

Connexis, with some intervening link, such as fences, hedges, and
outhouses; cohaerentibus, in immediate contact.

Remedium--inscitia. It may be as a remedy, etc.--or it may be through
ignorance, etc. Sive--sive expresses an alternative conditionally,
or contingently==it may be thus, or it may be thus. Compare it with
vel--vel, chap. 15, and with aut--aut, A 17. See also Ramshorn's
Synonyms, 138. Remedium is acc. in app. with the foregoing clause.
Inscitia is abl. of cause==per inscitiam.

Caementorum. Properly hewn stone (from caedo), but in usage any
building stone.--Tegularum. Tiles, any materials for the roof (tego),
whether of brick, stone, or wood.

Citra. Properly this side of, hence short of, or without, as used by
the later Latin authors. This word is kindred to cis, i.e. is with
the demonstrative prefix ce. Cf. Freund sub v.

Speciem refers more to the eye, delectationem to the mind. Taken
with citra, they are equivalent to adjectives, connected to informi
and limiting materia (citra speciem==non speciosa, Gün.). Render:
rude materials, neither beautiful to the eye nor attractive to the
taste. Materia is distinctively wood for building. Fire-wood is
lignum.

Quaedam loca. Some parts of their houses, e.g. the walls.

Terra ita pura. Probably red earth, such as chalk or gypsum.

Imitetur. Resembles painting and colored outlines or figures.

Aperire. Poetice==excavate. Cellars under ground were unknown to the
Romans. See Beck. Gal., and Smith's Dict. Ant.

Ignorantur--fallunt. They are not known to exist, or else (though known
to exist) they escape discovery from the very fact that they must be
sought (in order to be found). Gün. calls attention to the multiform
enallage in this sentence: 1. in number (populatur, ignorantur,
fallunt); 2. of the active, passive, and deponent verbs; 3. in the
change of cases (aperta, acc.; abdita and defossa, nom.).

XVII. Sagum. A short, thick cloak, worn by Roman soldiers and
countrymen.

Fibula==figibula, any artificial fastening; spina==natural.

Si desit. Observe the difference between this clause, and si quando
advenit in the preceding chapter. This is a mere supposition without
regard to fact; that implies an expectation, that the case will sometimes
happen.

Cetera intecti. Uncovered as to the rest of the body, cf. 6: nudi aut
sagulo leves.

Totos dies. Acc. of duration of time.--Agunt==vivunt. K.

Fluitante. The flowing robe of the southern and eastern nations;
stricta, the close dress and short clothes of the northern nations.

Artus exprimente. Quae tam arte artus includit, ut emineant, earumque
lineamenta et forma appareant, K. K. and Gr. understand this of coat and
vest, as well as breeches; Gün. of breeches only.

Proximi ripae. Near the banks of the Rhine and the Danube, so as to
have commercial intercourse with the Romans. These having introduced the
cloth and dress of the Romans, attached little importance to the manner
of wearing their skins. But those in the interior, having no other
apparel, valued themselves on the nice adjustment of them.

Cultus, artificial refinement. Cf. note, 6.

Maculis pellibusque, for maculatis pellibus or maculis pellium, perhaps
to avoid the concurrence of genitives.

Belluarum--gignit. Oceanus==terrae, quas Oceanus alluit; and
belluae==lutrae, mustelae, erminiae, etc., so K. But Gr. says belluae
cannot mean such small creatures, and agrees with Lipsius, in
understanding by it marine animals, seadogs, seals, &c. Freund connects
it in derivation with [Greek: thaer], fera (bel==ber==ther==fer), but
defines it as properly an animal remarkable for size or wildness.
Exterior Oceanus==Oceanus extra orbem Romanum, further explained by
ignotum mare. Cf. note, 2: adversus Oceanus.

Habitus, here==vestitus; in § 4.==forma corporis.

Saepius, oftener than the men, who also wore linen more or less. Gün.

Purpura. Facta e succo plantis et floribus expresso. Gün.

Nudae--lacertos. Graece et poetice. Brachia a manu ad cubitum; lacerti
a cubito ad humeros.

XVIII. Quanquam==sed tamen, i.e. notwithstanding the great freedom in
the dress of German women, yet the marriage relation is sacred. This use
of quanquam is not unfrequent in T., and sometimes occurs in Cic.,
often in Pliny. See Z. 341, N.

Qui ambiuntur. This passage is construed in two ways: who are
surrounded (ambiuntur==circumdantur, cf. II. 5, 12.) by many wives not
to gratify lust, but to increase their rank and influence (ob in the
sense for the sake of, cf. ob metum, 2). Or thus: who (take many
wives) not to gratify lust, but on account of their rank they are
solicited to form many matrimonial alliances. For ambio in this sense
and with the same somewhat peculiar construction after it, see H. 4, 51:
tantis sociorum auxiliis ambiri; also Virg. Aen. 7, 333: connubiis
ambire Latinum. The latter is preferable, and is adopted by Wr., K., Gr.,
&c. The former by Gün. and others. Ariovistus had two wives. Caes. B.G.
1, 53.

Probant, cf. probaverit, 13, note.--Comatur. Subj. denoting the
intention of the presents with which she is to be adorned. H 500, 1; Z.
567.

Frenatum, bridled, caparisoned==paratus below.

In haec munera==[Greek: epi toutois tois dorois]. In==upon the basis
of, on condition of. So Liv.: in has leges, in easdem leges.

Hoc--vinculum, So, § 13: haec apud illos toga. In both passages the
allusion is to Roman customs (for which see Becker's Gallus, Exc. 1.
Scene 1). In Germany, these presents take the place of the
confarreatio (see Fiske's Manual, p. 286. 4. ed.), and the various
other methods of ratifying the marriage contract at Rome; these, of
the religious rites in which the parties mutually engaged on the wedding
day (see Man., p. 287).--Conjugales deos. Certain gods at Rome
presided over marriage, e.g. Jupiter, Juno, Venus, Jugatinus, Hymenaeus,
Diana, &c.

Extra. Cic. would have said expertem or positum extra. But T. is
fond of the adv. used elliptically.

Auspiciis==initiatory rites.

Denuntiant, proclaim, denote.--Accipere depends on denuntiant or
admonetur.

Rursus, quae--referantur. Rhenanus conjectured; rursusque--referant,
which has since become the common reading. But referantur is the
reading of all the MSS., and needs no emendation; and quae, with as
good authority as que, makes the construction more natural and the
sense more apposite. The passage, as Gr. well suggests, consists of two
parts (accipere--reddat, and quae--accipiant--referantur), each of
which includes the two ideas of receiving and handing down to the
next generation. Render thus: she is reminded that she receives gifts,
which she is to hand over pure and unsullied to her children; which her
daughters-in-law are to receive again (sc. from her sons, as she did
from her husband), which are to be transmitted by them to her
grand-children.

Referantur. In another writer, we might expect referant to correspond
in construction and subject with accipiant. But Tacitus is fond of
varying the construction. Cf. Bötticher's Lex Tac., and note, 16:
ignorantur.

XIX. Septa. So the MSS. for the most part. Al. septae. Meaning: with
chastity guarded, sc. by the sacredness of marriage and the excellent
institutions of the Germans.

Nullis--corruptae. Here, as every where else in this treatise, T.
appears as the censor of Roman manners. He has in mind those fruitful
sources of corruption at Rome, public shows, (cf. Sen. Epist. 7: nihil
vero est tam damnosum bonis moribus, quam in aliquo spectaculo
desidere), convivial entertainments (cf. Hor. Od. 3, 6, 27), and
epistolary correspondence between the two sexes.

Litterarum secreta==litteras secretas, secret correspondence between
the sexes, for this limitation is obvious from the connexion.--
Praesens. Immediate.

Maritis permissa, sc. as a domestic crime, cf. Caes. B.G. 6, 19: Viri
in uxores, sicut in liberos, vitae necisque habent potestatem. Cf. Beck.
Gall., Exc. 1. Sc. 1.

Accisis crinibus, as a special mark of disgrace, cf. 1 Cor. 11, 6. So
in the laws of the Lombards, the punishment of adulteresses was
decalvari et fustigari.--Omnem vicum, the whole village, cf. Germania
omnis, § 1.--Aetate==juventa.

Non--invenerit. She would not find, could not expect to find. This use
of the perf. subj., for a softened fut., occurs in negative sentences
oftener than in positive ones. Cf. Arnold's Prose Comp. 417, Note.

Saeculum==indoles et mores saeculi, the spirit of the age, the
fashion.

Adhuc (==ad-hoc) is generally used by Cicero, and often by Tacitus, in
the sense either of still (to this day), or moreover (in addition to
this). From these, it passed naturally, in Quintilian and the writers
after him, into the sense of even more, still more, even, especially in
connection with the comparative degree; where the authors of the Augustan
age would have used etiam. See Z. 486; Bötticher's Lex. Tac. sub. voce;
and Hand's Tursellinus, vol. 1. I. 165. Melius quidem adhuc==still
better even. For a verb, supply sunt or agunt. Cf. note A. 19:
nihil.

Eae civitates. Such as the Heruli, among whom the wife was expected to
hang herself at once at the grave of her husband, if she would not live
in perpetual infamy. At Rome, on the contrary, divorces and marriages
might be multiplied to any extent, cf. Mart. 6, 7: nubit decimo viro;
also Beck, as above cited.

Semel, like [Greek: apax], once for all.

Transigitur. Properly a business phrase. The business is done up,
brought to an end. So A. 34: transigite cum expeditionibus.

Ultra, sc. primum maritum. So the ellipsis might be supplied. Ultra
here is equivalent to longior in the next clause, as T. often puts the
adverb in place of the adjective, whether qualifying or predicate.

Ne tanquam--ament, sc. maritum: that they may not love a husband
merely as a husband but as they love the married state. See this and
similar examples of brachylogy well illustrated in Döderlein's Essay on
the style of Tacitus, H. p. 14. Since but one marriage was allowed, all
their love for the married state must be concentrated in one husband.

Numerum--finire. In any way contrary to nature and by design. Gün. Quod
fiebat etiam abortus procuratione. K.

Ex agnatis. Agnati hoc loco dicuntur, qui post familiam constitutam,
ubi haeres jam est, deinde nascuntur. Hess. To put such to death was a
barbarous custom among the Romans. Cf. Ann. 3, 25; see Beck. Gall. Exc.
2. scene 1.

Alibi, e.g. at Rome.--Boni mores vs. bonae leges. These words
involve a sentiment of great importance, and of universal application.
Good habits wherever they exist, and especially in a republic, are of far
greater value and efficacy than good laws.

XX. Nudi. Cf. 6: nudi aut sagulo leves. Not literally naked, but
slightly clad, cf. Sen. de benef. 5, 13: qui male vestitum et pannosum
vidit, nudum se vidisse dicit.

Sordidi. Gün. understands this of personal filth. But this is
inconsistent with the daily practice of bathing mentioned, § 22. It
doubtless refers to the dress, as Gr. and K. understand it: nudi ac
sordidi==poorly and meanly clad. So also Or.

Quae miramur. Cf. 4: magna corpora. See also Caes. B.G. 1, 39, 4, 1.
On haec, see note, 3: haec quoque.

Ancillis ac nutricibus. So in the Dial. de Clar. Orat., T. animadverts
upon the custom here obliquely censured: nunc natus infans delegatur
Graeculae alicui ancillae. In the early ages of Roman History it was not
so, see Becker's Gall. Exc. 2. scene 1.--Delegantur. Delegamus, quum,
quod ipsi facere debebamus, id per alterum fieri curamus. E.

Separet. For the use of the subj. pres. after donec, see note, 1.
erumpat.--Agnoscat==faciat ut agnoscatur. So Död., Gün. and K. But it
is better with Gr., to regard the expression as poetical, and virtus,
as personified: and valor acknowledge them, sc. as brave men and
therefore by implication free born.

Venus==concubitus.--Pubertas==facultas generandi. Gr. Cf. Caes, B.G.
6, 21: qui diutissime impuberes permanserunt maximam inter suos ferunt
laudem.

Virgines festinantur==nuptiae virginum festinantur, poetice. The words
properare, festinare, accelerare are used in both a trans. and intrans.
sense, cf. Hist. 2, 82: festinabantur; 3, 37: festinarentur. Among the
Romans, boys of fourteen contracted marriage with girls of twelve. Cf.
Smith's Dic. Ant.

Eadem, similis, pares. The comparison is between the youth of the two
sexes at the time of marriage; they marry at the same age, equal in
stature and equal in strength. Marriages unequal in these respects, were
frequent at Rome.--Pares--miscentur. Plene: pares paribus, validae
validis miscentur. On this kind of brachylogy, see further in Död. Essay
on style of T., H. p. 15. Miscentur has a middle sense, as the passive
often has, particularly in Tacitus. Cf. note 21: obligantur.

Referunt. Cf. Virg. Aen. 4, 329: parvulus Aeneas, qui te tamen ore
referret. See note, 39: auguriis.

Ad patrem. Ad is often equivalent to apud in the best Latin
authors; e.g. Cic. ad Att. 10, 16: ad me fuit==apud me fuit. Rhenanus by
conjecture wrote apud patrem to correspond with apud avunculum. But
Passow restored ad with the best reason. For T. prefers different
words and constructions in antithetic clauses. Perhaps also a different
sense is here intended from that which would have been expressed by
apud. Wr. takes ad in the sense, in respect to: as in respect to a
father, i.e. as they would have, if he were their father.

Exigunt, sc. hunc nexum==sororum filios.

Tanquam. Like Greek os to denote the views of others, not of the
writer. Hence followed by the subj. H. 531; Z. 571.

Et in animum. In==quod attinet ad, in respect to. The commonly
received text has ii et animum, which is a mere conjecture of Rhen.
According to K., teneant has for its subject not sororum filii, but
the same subject as exigunt. Render: Since, as they suppose, both in
respect to the mind (the affections), they hold it more strongly, and
in respect to the family, more extensively.

Heredes properly refers to property, successores to rank, though the
distinction is not always observed.--Liberi includes both sons and
daughters.

Patrui, paternal uncles; avunculi, maternal.

Propinqui, blood relations; affines, by marriage.

Orbitatis pretia. Pretia==proemia. Orbitatis==childlessness. Those
who had no children, were courted at Rome for the sake of their
property. Vid. Sen. Consol. ad Marc. 19: in civitate nostra, plus gratiae
orbitas confert, quam eripit. So Plutarch de Amore Prolis says: the
childless are entertained by the rich, courted by the powerful, defended
gratuitously by the eloquent: many, who had friends and honors in
abundance, have been stripped of both by the birth of a single child.

XXI. Necesse est. It is their duty and the law of custom. Gün.--
Nec==non tamen.--Homicidium. A post-Augustan word.

Armentorum ac pecorum. For the distinction between these words, see
note, § 5. The high value which they attached to their herds and flocks,
as their solae et gratissimae opes, may help to explain the law or
usage here specified. Moreover, where the individual was so much more
prominent than the state, homicide even might be looked upon as a private
wrong, and hence to be atoned for by a pecuniary satisfaction, cf. Tur.
Hist. Ang. Sax., App. No. 3, chap. 1.

Juxta libertatem, i.e. simul cum libertate, or inter liberos homines.
The form of expression is characteristic of the later Latin. Cf. Hand's
Tursellinus, vol. III. p. 538. Tacitus is particularly partial to this
preposition.

Convictibus, refers to the entertainment of countrymen and friends,
hospitiis to that of strangers.

Pro fortuna. According to his means. So Ann. 4, 23: fortunae inops.

Defecere, sc. epulae. Quam exhausta sint, quae apparata erant, cf. 24:
omnia defecerunt.

Hospes. Properly stranger; and hence either guest or host. Here
the latter.--Comes. Guest. So Gün. and the common editions. But most
recent editors place a colon after comes, thus making it predicate,
and referring it to the host becoming the guide and companion of his
guest to another place of entertainment.

Non invitati, i.e. etiam si non invitati essent. Gün.

Nec interest, i.e. whether invited or not.

Jus hospitis. The right of the guest to a hospitable reception, So Cic.
Tus. Quaes., 1, 26: jus hominum.

Quantum ad belongs to the silver age. In the golden age they said:
quod attinet ad, or simply ad. Gr. Cicero however has quantum in,
N. D. 3, 7; and Ovid, quantum ad, A. A. 1, 744. Cf. Freund sub voce.

Imputant. Make charge or account of. Nearly confined to the later
Latin. Frequent in T. in the reckoning both of debt and credit, of praise
and blame. Cic. said: assignare alicui aliquid.

Obligantur, i.e. obligatos esse putant. Forma passiva ad modum medii
verbi Graeci. Gün. Cf. note, 20: miscentur.

Victus--comis. The mode of life between host and guest is courteous. For
victus==manner of life, cf. Cic. Inv. 1, 25, 35.

XXII. E is not exactly equivalent here to a, nor does it mean simply
after, but immediately on awaking out of sleep.--Lavantur, wash
themselves, i.e. bathe; like Gr. louomai. So aggregantur, 13;
obligantur, 21, et passim.

Calida, sc. aqua, cf. in Greek, thermo louesthai, Aristoph. Nub. 1040.
In like manner Pliny uses frigida, Ep. 6, 16: semel iterumque
frigidam poposcit transitque. Other writers speak of the Germans as
bathing in their rivers, doubtless in the summer; but in the winter they
use the warm bath, as more agreeable in that cold climate. So in Russia
and other cold countries, cf. Mur. in loco.

Separatae--mensa. Contra Romanorum luxuriam, ex more fere Homerici
aevi. Gün.

Sedes, opposed to the triclinia, on which the Romans used to recline,
a practice as unknown to the rude Germans, as to the early Greeks and
Hebrews. See Coler. Stud. of Gr. Poets, p. 71 (Boston, 1842).

Negotia. Plural==their various pursuits. So Cic. de Or. 2, 6:
forensia negotia. Negotium==nec-otium, C. and G. being originally
identical, as they still are almost in form.--Armati. Cf. note, 11: ut
turbae placuit.

Continuare, etc. est diem noctemque jungere potando, sive die nocteque
perpotationem continuare. K.

Ut, sc. solet fieri, cf. ut in licentia, § 2. The clause limits
crebrae; it is the frequent occurrence of brawls, that is customary
among those given to wine.

Transiguntur. See note on transigitur, § 19.

Asciscendis. i.e. assumendis.

Simplices manifestly refers to the expression of thought; explained
afterwards by fingere nesciunt==frank, ingenuous. Cf. His. 1, 15:
simplicissime loquimur; Ann. 1, 69: simplices curas.

Astuta--callida. Astutus est natura, callidus multarum rerum peritia.
Rit. Astutus, cunning; callidus, worldly wise. Död.

Adhuc. To this day, despite the degeneracy and dishonesty of the age.
So Död. and Or. Rit. says: quae adhuc pectore clausa erant. Others still
make it==etiam, even. Cf. note, 19.

Retractatur. Reviewed, reconsidered.

Salva--ratio est. The proper relation of both times is preserved, or the
advantage of both is secured, as more fully explained in the next member,
viz. by discussing when they are incapable of disguise, and deciding,
when they are not liable to mistake. Cf. Or. in loc., and Bötticher,
sub v.

Passow well remarks, that almost every German usage, mentioned in this
chapter, is in marked contrast with Roman manners and customs.

XXIII. Potui==pro potu, or in potum, dat. of the end. So 46: Victui
herba, vestitui pelles. T. and Sallust are particularly fond of this
construction. Cf. Böt. Lex. Tac., sub Dativus.

Hordeo aut frumento. Hordeo==barley; frumento, properly fruit
(frugimentum, fruit [Greek: kat exochaen], i.e. grain), grain of any
kind, here wheat, cf. Veget. R.M. 1, 13: et milites pro frumento
hordeum cogerentur accipere.

Similitudinem vini. Beer, for which the Greeks and Romans had no name.
Hence Herod. (2, 77) speaks of [Greek: oinos ek kritheon pepoiaemenos],
among the Egyptians.

Corruptus. Cum Tacitea indignatione dictum, cf. 4: infectos, so Gün.
But the word is often used to denote mere change, without the idea of
being made worse, cf. Virg. Geor. 2, 466: Nec casia liquidi corrumpitur
usus olivi. Here render fermented.

Ripae, sc. of the Rhine and Danube, i.e. the Roman border, as in 22:
proximi ripae.

Poma. Fruits of any sort, cf. Pliny, N.H. 17, 26: arborem vidimus omni
genere pomorum onustum, alio ramo nucibus, alio baccis, aliunde
vite, ficis, piris, etc.

Recens fera. Venison, or other game fresh, i.e. recently taken, in
distinction from the tainted, which better suited the luxurious taste of
the Romans.

Lac concretum. Called caseus by Caes. B.G. 6, 22. But the Germans,
though they lived so much on milk, did not understand the art of making
cheese, see Pliny, N.H. 11, 96. "De caseo non cogitandum, potius quod
nostrates dicunt dickemilch" (i.e. curdled milk). Gün.

Apparatu. Luxurious preparation.--Blandimentis. Dainties.

Haud minus facile. Litotes for multo facilius.

Ebrietati. Like the American Aborigines, see note, § 15.

XXIV. Nudi. See note, § 20.

Quibus id ludicrum. For whom it is a sport; not whose business it is to
furnish the amusement: that would be quorum est K. and Gr.

Infestas==porrectas contra saltantes. K.--Decorem. Poetic.

Quaestum==quod quaeritur, gain.--Mercedem, stipulated pay, wages.

Quamvis limits audacis==daring as it is (as you please).

Sobrii inter seria. At Rome gaming was forbidden, except at the
Saturnalia, cf. Hor. Od. 3, 24, 68: vetita legibus alea. The remarkable
circumstance (quod mirere) in Germany was, that they practised it not
merely as an amusement at their feasts, but when sober among (inter)
their ordinary every-day pursuits.

Novissimo. The last in a series. Very frequently in this sense in T.,
so also in Caes. Properly newest, then latest, last. Cf. note, His. 1,
47. Extremo, involving the greatest hazard, like our extreme: last and
final (decisive) throw. This excessive love of play, extending even to
the sacrifice of personal liberty, is seen also among the American
Indians, see Robertson, Hist. of America, vol. 2, pp. 202-3. It is
characteristic of barbarous and savage life, cf. Mur. in loco.

De libertate ac de corpore. Hendiadys==personal liberty.

Voluntariam. An earlier Latin author would have used ipse, ultro, or
the like, limiting the subject of the verb, instead of the object. The
Latin of the golden age prefers concrete words. The later Latin
approached nearer to the English, in using more abstract terms. Cf.
note on repercussu, 3.

Juvenior. More youthful, and therefore more vigorous; not merely
younger (junior). See Död. and Rit. in loc. Forcellini and Freund cite
only two other examples of this full form of the comparative (Plin. Ep.
4, 8, and Apul. Met. 8, 21), in which it does not differ in meaning from
the common contracted form.

Ea==talis or tanta. Such or so great. Gr.

Pervicacia. Pervicaces sunt, qui in aliquo certamine ad vincendum
perseverant, Schol. Hor. Epod. 17, 14.

Pudore. Shame, disgrace. So also His. 3, 61; contrary to usage of
earlier writers, who use it for sense of shame, modesty.

XXV. Ceteris. All but those who have gambled away their own liberty, as
in § 24.--In nostrum morem, &c., with specific duties distributed
through the household (the slave-household, cf. note, 15), as explained
by the following clause. On the extreme subdivision of office among
slaves at Rome, see Beck. Gall. Exc. 2. Sc. 2; and Smith's Dic. Antiq.
under Servus.

Descripta==dimensa, distributa. Gün.

Familiam. Here the entire body of servants, cf. note, § 15.

Quisque. Each servant has his own house and home.

Ut colono. Like the tenant or farmer among the Romans; also the
vassal in the middle ages, and the serf in Modern Europe.

Hactenus. Thus far, and no farther, i.e. if he pays his rent or tax,
no more is required of him.

Cetera. The rest of the duties (usually performed by a Roman
servant), viz. those of the house, the wife and children (sc. of the
master) perform. Gr. strangely refers uxor et liberi to the wife and
children of the servant. Passow also refers domus to the house of the
servant, thus making it identical with the penates above, with which it
seems rather to be contrasted. With the use of cetera here, compare
His. 4, 56: ceterum vulgus==the rest, viz. the common soldiers, and see
the principle well illustrated in Döderlein's Essay, His. p. 17.

Opere. Hard labor, which would serve as a punishment. The Romans
punished their indolent and refractory domestics, by sending them to
labor in the country, as well as by heavy chains (vinculis) and cruel
flagellations (verberare). They had also the power of life and death
(occidere). Beck. Gall. Exc. 2. Sc. 2; Smith's Dic. Ant. as above.

Non disciplina--ira. Hendiadys==non disciplinae severitate, sed irae
impetu. Cf. His. 1, 51: severitate disciplinae.

Nisi--impune, i.e. without the pecuniary penalty or satisfaction, which
was demanded when one put to death an enemy (inimicum). Cf. 21.

Liberti--libertini. These words denote the same persons, but with this
difference in the idea: libertus==the freedman of some particular
master, libertinus==one in the condition of a freedman without
reference to any master. At the time of the Decemvirate, and for some
time after, liberti==emancipated slaves, libertini==the descendants of
such, cf. Suet. Claud. 24.

Quae regnantur. Governed by kings. Ex poetarum more dictum, cf. Virg.
Aen. 6, 794: regnata per arva. So 43: Gothones regnantur, and 44:
Suiones. Gün.

Ingenuos==free born; nobiles==high born.

Ascendunt, i.e. ascendere possunt.

Ceteros. By synesis (see Gr.) for ceteras, sc. gentes.

Impares, sc. ingenuis et nobilibus.

Libertatis argumentum, inasmuch as they value liberty and citizenship
too much to confer it on freedmen and slaves. This whole topic of
freedmen is an oblique censure of Roman custom in the age of the
Emperors, whose freedmen were not unfrequently their favorites and prime
ministers.

XXVI. Fenus agitare. To loan money at interest.

Et in usuras extendere. And to put out that interest again on interest.
The other explanation, viz. that it means simply to put money at
interest, makes the last clause wholly superfluous.

Servatur. Is secured, sc. abstinence from usury, or the non-existence
of usury, which is the essential idea of the preceding clause.

Ideo--vetitum esset, sc. ignoti nulla cupido! Cf. 19: boni mores, vs.
bonae leges. Gün. The reader cannot fail to recognize here, as usual, the
reference to Rome, where usury was practised to an exorbitant extent. See
Fiske's Manual, § 270, 4. and Arnold's His. of Rome, vol. 1, passim.

Universis. Whole clans, in distinction from individual owners.

In vices. By turns. Al vices, vice, vicis. Död. prefers in vicis; Rit.
in vicos==for i.e. by villages. But whether we translate by turns or by
villages, it comes to the same thing. Cf. Caes. B.G. 6, 22.

Camporum, arva, ager, soli, terrae, &c. These words differ from each
other appropriately as follows: Terra is opposed to mare et coelum,
viz. earth. Solum is the substratum of any thing, viz. solid ground
or soil. Campus is an extensive plain or level surface, whether of
land or water, here fields. Ager is distinctively the territory that
surrounds a city, viz. the public lands. Arvum is ager aratus, viz.
plough lands. Bredow.

Superest. There is enough, and more, cf. § 6, note.

Labore contendunt. They do not strive emulously to equal the fertility
of the soil by their own industry. Passow.

Imperatur. Just as frumentum, commeatus, obsides, etc., imperantur,
are demanded or expected. Gün.

Totidem, sc. quot Romani, cf. idem, 4, note. Tacitus often omits one
member of a comparison, as he does also one of two comparative particles.

Species. Parts. Sometimes the logical divisions of a genus; so used by
Cic. and Quin. (§ 6, 58): cum genus dividitur in species.

Intellectum. A word of the silver age, cf. note on voluntariam, 24.
Intellectum--habent==are understood and named. "Quam distortum
dicendi genus!" Gün.

Autumni--ignorantur. Accordingly in English, spring, summer and winter
are Saxon words, while autumn is of Latin origin (Auctumnus). See Dübner
in loc. Still such words as Härfest, Herpist, Harfst, Herbst, in other
Teutonic dialects, apply to the autumnal season, and not, like our word
harvest, merely to the fruits of it.

XXVII. Funera, proprie de toto apparatu sepulturae. E. Funeral rites
were performed with great pomp and extravagance at Rome; cf. Fiske's
Man., § 340; see also Mur. in loco, and Beck. Gall. Exc. Sc. 12.

Ambitio. Primarily the solicitation of office by the candidate; then
the parade and display that attended it; then parade in general,
especially in a bad sense.

Certis, i.e. rite statutis. Gün.

Cumulant. Structura est poetica, cf. Virg. Aen. 11, 50: cumulatque
altaria donis. K.

Equus adjicitur. Herodotus relates the same of the Scythians (4, 71);
Caesar, of the Gauls (B.G. 6, 19). Indeed all rude nations bury with the
dead those objects which are most dear to them when living, under the
notion that they will use and enjoy them in a future state. See
Robertson's Amer. B. 4, &c., &c.

Sepulcrum--erigit. Still poetical; literally: a turf rears the comb.
Cf. His. 5, 6: Libanum erigit.

Ponunt==deponunt. So Cic. Tusc. Qu.: ad ponendum dolorem Cf. A. 20:
posuere iram.

Feminis--meminisse. Cf. Sen. Ep.: Vir prudens meminisse perseveret,
lugere desinat.

Accepimus. Ut ab aliis tradita audivimus, non ipsi cognovimus. K. See
Preliminary Remarks, p. 79.

In commune. Cic. would have said, universe, or de universa origine. Gr.
Cic. uses in commune, but in a different sense, viz. for the common
weal. See Freund, sub voc.

Instituta, political; ritus, religious.

Quae nationes. And what tribes, etc.; quae for quaeque by
asyndeton, or perhaps, as Rit. suggests, by mistake of the copyist.--
Commigraverint. Subj. of the indirect question. Gr. 265, Z. 552.

German critics have expended much labor and research, in defining the
locality of the several German tribes with which the remainder of the
Treatise is occupied. In so doing, they rely not only on historical data,
but also on the traces of ancient names still attached to cities,
forests, mountains, and other localities (cf. note, § 16). These we shall
sometimes advert to in the notes. But on the whole, these speculations of
German antiquarians are not only less interesting to scholars in other
countries, but are so unsatisfactory and contradictory among themselves,
that, for the most part, we shall pass them over with very little
attention. There is manifestly an intrinsic difficulty in defining the
ever changing limits of uncivilized and unsettled tribes. Hence the
irreconcilable contradictions between ancient authorities, as well as
modern critiques, on this subject. Tacitus, and the Roman writers
generally, betray their want of definite knowledge of Germany by the
frequency with which they specify the names of mountains and rivers. The
following geographical outline is from Ukert, and must suffice for the
geography of the remainder of the Treatise: "In the corner between the
Rhine and the Danube, are the Decumates Agri, perhaps as far as the
Mayne, 29. Northward on the Rhine dwell the Mattiaci, whose neighbors on
the east are the Chatti, 30. On the same river farther north are the
Usipii and the Tencteri; then the Frisii, 32-34. Eastward of the Tencteri
dwell the Chamavi and the Angrivarii (earlier the Bructeri), and east or
southeast of them the Dulgibini and Chasuarii, 34. and other small
tribes. Eastward of the Frisii Germany juts out far towards the north,
35. On the coast of the bay thus formed, dwell the Chauci, east of the
Frisii and the above mentioned tribes; on the south, they reach to the
Chatti. East of the Chauci and the Chatti are the Cherusci, 36. whose
neighbors are the Fosi. The Cherusci perhaps, according to Tacitus, do
not reach to the ocean; and in the angle of the above bay, he places the
Cimbri, 37. Thus Tacitus represents the western half of Germany. The
eastern is of greater dimensions. There are the Suevi, 38. He calls the
country Suevia, 41. and enumerates many tribes, which belong there.
Eastward of the Cherusci he places the Semnones and Langobardi; north of
them are the Reudigni, Aviones, Anglii, Varini, Eudoses, Suardones and
Nuithones; and all these he may have regarded as lying in the interior,
and as the most unknown tribes, 41. He then mentions the tribes that
dwell on the Danube, eastward from the Decumates Agri: the Hermunduri, in
whose country the Elbe has its source; the Narisci, Marcomanni and Quadi,
41-42. The Marcomanni hold the country which the Boii formerly possessed;
and northward of them and the Quadi, chiefly on the mountains which run
through Suevia, are the Marsigni, Gothini, Osi and Burii, 43. Farther
north are the Lygii, consisting of many tribes, among which the most
distinguished are the Arii, Helvecones, Manimi, Elysii and Naharvali, 43.
Still farther north dwell the Gothones, and, at the Ocean, the Rugii and
Lemovii. Upon islands in the ocean live the Suiones, 44. Upon the
mainland, on the coast, are the tribes of the Aestyi, and near them,
perhaps on islands, the Sitones, 45. Perhaps he assigned to them the
immense islands to which he refers in his first chapter. Here ends
Suevia. Whether the Peucini, Venedi and Fenni are to be reckoned as
Germans or Sarmatians, is uncertain, 46. The Hellusii and Oxonae are
fabulous."

The following paragraph from Prichard's Researches embodies some of the
more general conclusions of ethnographers, especially of Zeuss, on whom
Prichard, in common with Orelli and many other scholars, places great
reliance. "Along the coast of the German Ocean and across the isthmus of
the Cimbric peninsula to the shore of the Baltic, were spread the tribes
of the Chauci and Frisii, the Anglii, Saxones and the Teutones or Jutes,
who spoke the Low-German languages, and formed one of the four
divisions of the German race, corresponding as it seems with the
Ingaevones of Tacitus and Pliny. In the higher and more central parts,
the second great division of the race, that of the Hermiones, was
spread, the tribes of which spoke Upper or High-German dialects.
Beginning in the West with the country of the Sigambri on the Rhine,
and from that of the Cherusci and Angrivarii near the Weser and the
Hartz, this division comprehended, besides those tribes, the Chatti, the
Langobardi, the Hermunduri, the Marcomanni and Quadi, the Lugii, and
beyond the Vistula the Bastarnae, in the neighborhood of the Carpathian
hills. To the eastward and northward of the last mentioned, near the
lower course of the Vistula and thence at least as far as the Pregel,
were the primitive abodes of the Goths and their cognate tribes, who are
perhaps the Istaevones." The fourth division of Prichard embraced the
Scandinavians, who spoke a language kindred to the Germans and were
usually classed with them. Those who would examine this subject more
thoroughly, will consult Adelung, Zeuss, Grimm, Ritter, Ukert, Prichard,
Latham, &c., who have written expressly on the geography or the
ethnography of Germany.

XXVIII. Summus auctorum, i.e. omnium scriptorum is, qui plurimum
auctoritatis fideique habet. K. Cf. Sueton. Caes. 56. Though T.
commends so highly the authority of Caesar as a writer, yet he differs
from him in not a few matters of fact, as well as opinion; owing chiefly,
doubtless, to the increased means of information which he possessed in
the age of Trajan.

Divus Julius. Divus==deified, divine; an epithet applied to the Roman
Emperors after their decease.--Tradit. Cf. Caes. B.G. 6, 24: fuit
antea tempus, cum Germanos Galli virtute superarent, ultro bella
inferrent, propter hominum multitudinem agrique inopiam trans Rhenum
colonias mitterent. Livy probably refers to the same events, when he says
(Lib. 5, 34), that in the reign of Priscus Tarquinius, two immense bodies
of Gauls migrated and took possession, the one of the Hercynian Forest,
the other of Upper Italy.

Amnis. The Rhine.--Promiscuas. Unsettled, ill defined.

Quo minus after a verb of hindering is followed by the subj. H. 499;
Z. 543.

Nulla--divisas, i.e. not distributed among different and powerful
kings.

Hercyniam silvam. A series of forests and mountains, stretching from
Helvetia to Hungary in a line parallel to the Danube, and described by
Caesar (B.G. 6, 25), as nine day's journey in breadth and more than
sixty in length. The name seems to be preserved in the modern Hartz
Forest, which is however far less extensive.

Igitur--Helvetii==igitur regionem, inter, etc. See note on colunt,
16. Igitur seldom stands as the first word in a sentence in Cicero. Cf.
Z. 357; and Kühner's Cic. Tusc. Qu. 1, 6, 11. Here it introduces a more
particular explanation of the general subject mentioned at the close of
the previous chapter. So in A. 13. When so used, it sometimes stands
first in Cic., always in T. Cf. Freund sub v. Touching the Helvetii, see
Caes. B.G. 1, 1; T. His. 1, 67.

Boihemi nomen. Compounded of Boii and heim (home of the Boii), now
Bohemia. Heim==ham in the termination of so many names of towns, e.g.
Framing_ham_, Notting_ham_. The Boii were driven from their country by
the Marcomanni, 42. The fugitives are supposed to have carried their name
into Boioaria, now Bavaria. Cf. Prichard's Physical Researches, Vol. III.
Chap. 1, Sec. 6; and Latham's Germany of Tacitus in loco.

Germanorum natione, i.e. German in situation, not in origin, for this
he expressly denies or disproves in 43, from the fact that they spoke
the Pannonian language, and paid tribute. The doubt expressed here has
reference only to their original location, not to their original stock,
and is therefore in no way inconsistent with the affirmation in chapter
43.

Cum==since. Hence followed by subj. H. 518, I.; Z. 577.

Utriusque ripae. Here of the Danube, the right or Pannonian bank of
which was occupied by the Aravisci, and the left or German bank by the
Osi. So elsewhere of the Rhine, 37, and of both, 17, and 23.

Treveri. Hence modern Treves.

Circa. In respect to. A use foreign to the golden age of Latin
composition, but not unfrequent in the silver age. See Ann. 11, 2. 15.
His. 1, 43. Cf. Z. 298, and note, H. 1, 13.

Affectationem. Eager desire to pass for native Germans. Ad verbum,
cf. note, II. 1, 80.

Ultro. Radically the same with ultra==beyond. Properly beyond
expectation, beyond necessity, beyond measure, beyond any thing mentioned
in the foregoing context. Hence unexpectedly, freely, cheerfully, very
much, even more. Here very, quite. Gr.

Inertia Gallorum. T., says Gün., is an everlasting persecutor of the
Gauls, cf. A. 11.

Haud dubie==haud dubii. It limits Germanorum populi. Undoubtedly
German tribes.

Meruerint. Not merely deserved, but earned, attained. For the subj.
after quanquam, cf. note, 35.

Agrippinenses. From Agrippina, daughter of Germanicus and wife of
Claudius. Ann. 12, 27. Now Cologne.

Conditoris. Conditor with the earlier Latins is an epicene, conditrix
being of later date. Here used of Agrippina. Of course sui cannot agree
with conditoris. It is a reflexive pronoun, the objective gen. after
conditoris==the founder of themselves, i.e. of their state, cf.
odium sui, 33.

Experimento. Abl. on trial, not for; i.e. in consequence of being
found faithful. In reference to the Ubii, cf. His. 4, 28.

XXIX. Virtute sc. bellica.

Non multum ex ripa. A small tract on the bank, but chiefly an island
in the river. Cf. His. 4, 12: extrema Gallicae orae, simulque insulam,
occupavere.

Chattorum quondam. The very name Batavi is thought by some to be a
corrupted or modified form of Chatti. See Rit. in loc.

Transgressus. When is not known, but Julius Caesar found them already
in possession of their new territory. B.G. 4, 10.

Fierent. Subj. after eas--quibus==such that. H. 500, 2; Z. 556.

Nec--contemnuntur. Are neither dishonored. So in His. 4, 17. the
Batavians are called tributorum expertes.

Oneribus. The burdens of regular taxation.--Collationibus. Extraordinary
contributions.

Tela, offensive; arma, defensive armor.

In sua ripa. On the right or eastern bank of the Rhine. Agunt is to
be taken with in sua ripa, as well as with nobiscum, which are
antithetic to each other. Meaning: in situation Germans, in feeling
Romans.

Mente animoque. In mind and spirit. Mens is properly the understanding,
animus the feeling part, and both together comprehend the whole soul.

Acrius animantur. Made more courageous by the influence of their very
soil and climate even (adhuc, cf. note, 19).

Numeraverim. Subj. cf. note, 2: crediderim.

Decumates--exercent. Exercent==colunt, So Virg. tellurem, terram, humum,
solum, &c., exercere.

Decumates==decumanos. Occurs only here. Tithe-paying lands. For their
location, see note, 27.

Dubiae possessionis, i.e. insecure, till confirmed by limite acto
promotisque praesidiis, i.e. extending the boundary and advancing the
garrisons or outposts.

Sinus. Extreme bend or border. Cf. note, 1. So Virg. (Geor. 2 123)
calls India extremi sinus orbis.

Provinciae. A province, not any particular one.

XXX. Initium inchoant. Pleonastic. So initio orto, His. 1, 76; initium
coeptum, His. 2, 79; perferre toleraverit, Ann. 3, 3. Ultra is farther
back from the Rhine. Chattorum sedes ubi nunc magnus ducatus et
principatus Hassorum, quorum nomen a Chattis deductum. Ritter.
Cha_tt_i==He_ss_ians, as Germ. wa_ss_er==Eng. wa_t_er, and [Greek:
prasso==pratto].

Effusis. Loca effusa sunt, quae latis campis patent. K. This use
belongs to the later Latin, though Horace applies the word with late to
the sea: effusi late maria. Gr.

Durant siquidem, etc. On the whole, I am constrained to yield to the
authority and the arguments of Wr., Or., Död., and Rit., and place the
pause before durant, instead of after it as in the first edition.
Durant precedes siquidem for the sake of emphasis, just as quin
immo (chap. 14) and quin etiam (13) yield their usual place to the
emphatic word. These are all departures from established usage. See notes
in loc. cit. Que must be understood, after paulatim: it is inserted
in the text by Ritter.

Rarescunt. Become fewer and farther apart. So Virg. Aen. 3, 411:
Angusti rarescent claustra Pelori.

Chattos suos. As if the Chatti were the children of the Forest, and the
Forest emphatically their country. Passow.

Prosequitur, deponit. Begins, continues, and ends with the Chatti.
Poetical==is coextensive with.

Duriora, sc. solito, or his, cf. Gr. 256, 9.--Stricti, sinewy,
strong, which has the same root as stringo.

Ut inter Germanos, i.e. pro ingenio Germanorum, Gün. So we say
elliptically: for Germans.

Praeponere, etc. A series of infinitives without connectives, denoting
a hasty enumeration of particulars; elsewhere, sometimes, a rapid
succession of events. Cf. notes, A. 36, and H. 1, 36. The particulars
here enumerated, all refer to military proceedings.

Disponere--noctem. They distribute the day, sc. as the period of
various labors; they fortify the night, sc. as the scene of danger.
Still highly poetical.

Ratione. Way, manner. Al. Romanae.

Ferramentis. Iron tools, axes, mattocks, &c.--Copiis. Provisions.

Rari. Predicate of pugna, as well as excursus.--Velocitas applies
to cavalry, cunctatio to infantry; juxta==connected with, allied to,
cf. juxta libertatem, 21.

XXXI. Aliis--populis. Dat. after usurpatum, which with its adjuncts
is the subject of vertit. See same construction, His. 1, 18: observatum
id antiquitus comitiis dirimendis non terruit Galbam, etc., cf. also A.
1.--Audentia occurs only thrice in T. (G. 31. 34. Ann. 15, 53), and
once in Pliny (Ep. 8, 4). It differs from audacia in being a virtue.

Vertit. Intrans. Not so found in Cic., but in Liv., Caes., and Sall.,
not unfrequent. Gr. Cic. however uses anno vertente.

In consensum vertit. Has become the common custom.

Ut primum. Just as soon as. A causal relation is also implied; hence
followed by the subj.

Crinem--submittere. We find this custom (of letting the hair and beard
grow long) later among the Lombards and the Saxons, cf. Turn. His. Ang.
Sax., App. to B. 2.

Super--spolia, i.e. over the bloody spoils of a slain enemy.

Revelant, i.e. they remove the hair and beard, which have so long
veiled the face.

Retulisse==repaid, discharged their obligations to those who gave them
birth.

Squalor. This word primarily denotes roughness; secondarily and usually
filth: here the deformity of unshorn hair and beard.

Insuper, i.e. besides the long hair and beard. The proper position of
insuper is, as here, between the adj. and subs., cf. 34: immensos
insuper lacus; see also insuper, 12.

Absolvat. Subj. after donec. So faciat below. See note, 1.

Hic--habitus, sc. ferreum annulum, cf. 17. Plurimis==permultis,
Rit.

Placet. Antithetic to ignominiosum genti. Very many of the Chatti are
pleased with that which is esteemed a disgrace by most Germans, and so
pleased with it as to retain it to old age, and wear it as a badge of
distinction (canent insignes).

Nova. Al. torva. Strange, unusual. Placed in the van (prima
acies), because as the author says, § 43: primi in omnibus proeliis
oculi vincuntur.

Mansuescunt. Primarily said of wild beasts, accustomed to the hand of
man or tamed. So immanis, not handled, wild, savage. The clause
introduced by nam illustrates or enforces visu nova, and may be
rendered thus: for not even in time of peace do they grow gentle and
put on a milder aspect.

Exsanguis. Usually lifeless or pale. Here languid, feeble.

XXXII. Alveo==quoad alveum. Abl. of respect, H. 429; Z. 429.

Certum. Fixed, well defined, i.e. not divided and diffused, (so as to
form of itself no sufficient border or boundary to the Roman Empire) as
it was nearer its source among the Chatti. So this disputed word seems to
be explained by the author himself in the following clause; quique
terminus esse sufficiat==and such that it suffices to be a boundary.
Qui==talis ut; hence followed by the subj. H. 500, I.; Z. 558. So Mela
(3, 2) contrasts solidus et certo alveo lapsus with huc et illuc
dispergitur.

Tencteris==apud Tencteros, by enallage, cf. note on ad patrem, 20,
and other references there. The Tencteri and Usipii seem to have been at
length absorbed into the mass of people, who appear under the later name
of Alemanni. Cf. Prichard.

Familiam. Servants, cf. note on same word, 15. See also Beck Gall.,
Exc. 1. Sc. 1.--Penates==our homestead.

Jura succesionum==heir looms, all that goes down by hereditary
descent.

Excipit. Here in the unusual sense of inherits.--Cetera, sc. jura
successionum.

Bello. Abl. and limits both ferox and melior. Meaning: The horses
are inherited, not, like the rest of the estate, by the eldest son, but
by the bravest.

XXXIII. Occurrebant. Met the view, presented themselves. Almost the
sense of the corresponding English word. The structure of narratur
(as impers.) is very rare in the earlier authors, who would say:
Chamavi narrantur. Cf. His. 1, 50. 90. The Chamavi, &c., were
joined afterwards to the Franks. Cf. Prichard. The present town of
Ham in Westphalia probably preserves the name and gives the
original locality of the Chamavi, the present Engern that of the
Angrivarii. The termination varii or uarii probably==inhabitants of.
Thus angrivarii==inhabitants of Engern. Chasuarii==Inhabitants of the
river Hase. The same element is perhaps contained in the termination of
Bruct_eri_ and Tenct_eri_. See Latham in loco.

Nos, se. Romanos. Erga==inclined to (cf. vergo), towards.

Spectaculo. Ablative. Invidere is constructed by the Latins in the
following ways: invidere alicui aliquid, alicui alicujus rei, alicui
aliqua re, alicui in aliqua re. Hess. The construction here (with the
abl. of the thing, which was the object of envy) belongs to the silver
age. Cf. Quint. (Inst. 9, 3, 1) who contrasts it with the usage of
Cicero, and considers it as illustrating the fondness of the age for
figurative language.

Oblectationi oculisque. Hendiadys for ad oblectationem oculorum. The
author here exults in the promiscuous slaughter of the German Tribes by
each other's arms, as a brilliant spectacle to Roman eyes--a feeling
little congenial to the spirit of Christianity, but necessarily nurtured
by the gladiatorial shows and bloody amusements of the Romans, to say
nothing of the habitual hostility which they waged against all other
nations, that did not submit to their dominion.

Quaeso, sc. deos. Though fortune is spoken of below, as controlling
the destiny of nations. This passage shows clearly that Tacitus, with all
his partiality for German manners and morals, still retains the heart of
a Roman patriot. He loves his country with all her faults, and bears no
good-will to her enemies, however many and great their virtues. The
passage is important, as illustrating the spirit and design of the whole
Treatise. The work was not written as a blind panegyric on the Germans,
or a spleeny satire on the Romans. Neither was it composed for the
purpose of stirring up Trajan to war against Germany; to such a purpose,
such a clause, as urgentibus imperii fatis, were quite adverse. Least
of all was it written for the mere pastime and amusement of Roman
readers. It breathes the spirit at once of the earnest patriot, and the
high-toned moralist.

Odium sui. Cf. note, 28: conditor. Hatred of themselves; i.e. of one
another. So in Greek, the reflexive pronoun is often used for the
reciprocal.

Quando==since; a subjective reason. Cf. note, His. I, 31; and Z. 346.
--Urgentibus--fatis, sc. to discord and dissolution, for such were the
forebodings of patriotic and sagacious minds ever after the overthrow of
the Republic, even under the prosperous reign of Trajan.

XXXIV. A tergo, i.e. further back from the Rhine, or towards the East--
A fronte, nearer the Rhine or towards the West. Both are to be referred
to the Angrivarii and Chamavi, who had the Dulgibini and the Chasuarii in
their rear (on the east), and the Frisii on their front (towards the west
or northwest).--Frisii, the Frieslanders.

Majoribus--virium. They have the name of Greater or Less Frisii,
according to the measure of their strength. For this sense of ex
see note 7. For the case of majoribus minoribusque see Z. 421, and
H. 387, 1.

Praetexuntur. Are bordered by the Rhine (hemmed, as the toga
praetexta by the purple); or, as Freund explains, are covered by it,
i.e. lie behind it--Immensos lacus. The bays, or arms of the sea, at
the mouth of the Rhine (Zuyder Zee, etc.), taken for lakes by T. and
Pliny (Ann. 1, 60. 2, 8. N.H. 4, 29). They have been greatly changed by
inundations. See Mur. in loco.

Oceanum, sc. Septentrionalem.--Sua, sc. parte.--Tentavimus,
explored.

Herculis columnas. "Wherever the land terminated, and it appeared
impossible to proceed further, ancient maritime nations feigned pillars
of Hercules. Those mentioned in this passage some authors have placed at
the extremity of Friesland, and others at the entrance of the Baltic."
Ky. cf. note, 3.

Adiit, i.e. vere adiit, actually visited that part of the world.

Quicquid--consensimus. This passage is a standard illustration of the
Romana interpretatione (§ 43), the Roman construction, which the Romans
put upon the mythology and theology of other nations. It shows that they
were accustomed to apply the names of their gods to the gods of other
nations on the ground of some resemblance in character, history, worship,
&c. Sometimes perhaps a resemblance in the names constituted the ground
of identification.

Druso Germanico. Some read Druso et Germanico; others Druso,
Germanico, as a case of asyndeton (Gr. 323, 1 (1.)); for both Drusus and
Germanicus sailed into the Northern Ocean, and it is not known that
Germanicus (the son of Drusus and stepson of Tiberius, who is by some
supposed to be meant here) is ever called Drusus Germanicus. But
Drusus, the father of Germanicus, is called Drusus Germanicus in the
Histories (5, 19), where he is spoken of as having thrown a mole or dam
across the Rhine; and it is not improbable that he is the person here
intended. So K., Or. and Wr.

Se, i.e. the Ocean. See H. 449, II.; Z. 604.

Inquiri. Impersonal==investigation to be made. E. suggests
inquirenti, agreeing with Germanico. But T., unlike the earlier Latin
authors, not unfrequently places an infin. after a verb of hindering.

Credere quam scire. T. perhaps alluded to the precept of the
Philosopher, who said: Deum cole, atque crede, sed noli quaerere.
Murphy.

XXXV. In Septentrionem, etc. On the North, it falls back, sc. into
the Ocean, with an immense bend or peninsula. The flexus here
spoken of is called sinus in chap. 37, and describes the Cimbric
Chersonesus, or Danish Peninsula. See Död., Or. and Rit. in loc.--Ac
primo statim. And first immediately, sc. as we begin to trace the
northern coast.--Lateribus, sc. the eastern.

Quanquam followed by the subj., seldom in Cic., but usually in T.,
Z. 574, Note. Cf. note, His. 5, 21.--Sinuetur, sc. southwards.
Donec--sinuetur. Cf. note, 1: erumpat.

Inter Germanos. Considered among the Germans, in the estimation of the
Germans.

Quique--tueri. A clause connected to an adj. (nobilissimus), cf.
certum, quique, 32. Qui in both passages==talis, ut. Hence followed by
subj. H. 501, I.; Z. 558.

Impotentia, ungoverned passion, [Greek: akrateia]. Impotentia seldom
denotes want of power, but usually that unrestrained passion, which
results from the want of ability to control one's self.

Ut--agant depends on assequuntur. Subj. H. 490; Z. 531, a.

Si res poscat. Some copies read: si res poscat exercitus. But posco
and postulo seldom have the object expressed in such clauses, cf. 44: ut
res poscit; 6: prout ratio poscit. So also Cic. and Sall., pass.
Exercitus is subject nom., promptus being understood, as pred.; and
plurimum virorum equorumque explains or rather enforces exercitus:
and, if the case demand, an army, the greatest abundance of men and
horses.

Quiescentibus, i.e. bellum non gerentibus; eadem, i.e. the same, as
if engaged in war.

XXXVI. Cherusci. It was their chief, Arminius (Germ. Hermann), who,
making head against the Romans, was honored as the Deliverer of Germany,
and celebrated in ballad songs, which are preserved to this day. See his
achievements in Ann. B. 1, and 2. This tribe became afterwards the head
of the Saxon confederacy.

Marcentem. Enervating. So marcentia pocula, Stat. Silv. 4, 6, 56. It
is usually intransitive, and is taken here by some in the sense of
languid, enervate (literally withered).--Illacessiti is a post-Augustan
word. Cf. Freund.

Impotentes. Cf. impotentia, 35.

Falso quiescas. Falleris, dum quiescis. Dilthey. Cf. note, 14:
possis.

Ubi manu agitur. Where matters are decided by might rather than right.
Cf. manu agens, A. 9.

Nomina superioris. Virtues (only) of the stronger party, the
conqueror. They are deemed vices in the weaker.

Chattis--cessit: while to the Chatti, who were victorious, success
was imputed for wisdom. The antithetic particle at the beginning of the
clause is omitted. Cf. note, 4: minime.

Fuissent. Subj. after cum signifying although. H. 516, II.

XXXVII. Sinum. Peninsula, sc. the Cimbric. Cf. note, 35: flexu; 81:
sinus.

Cimbri. The same with the Cimmerii, a once powerful race, who,
migrating from western Asia, that hive of nations, overran a large part
of Europe, but their power being broken by the Romans, and themselves
being overrun and conquered by the Gothic or German Tribes, they were
pushed to the extreme western points of the continent and the British
Isles, where, and where alone, distinct traces of their language and
literature remain to this day. They have left their name indelibly
impressed on different localities in their route, e.g. the Cimmerian
Bosphorus, the Cimbric Chersonesus (now Jutland, occupied by the Cimbri
in the days of T.), Cumberland (Cumbria, from Cimbri) &c. The ancient
name of the Welsh was also Cymri, cf. Tur. His. Ang. Sax. 1. 2.

Gloria is abl. limiting ingens.

Castra ac spatia. In apposition with lata vestigia==spatiosa castra
or castrorum spatia, H. 704, II. 2; Z. 741.

Utraque ripa, sc. of the Rhine, the river and river bank by eminence.

Molem manusque. The mass of their population, and the number of their
armies. Observe the alliteration, as if he had said: measure the mass
and might.

Exitus, i.e. migrationis. Often used in this sense, cf. Caes. B.C.
3, 69: Salutem et exitum sibi pariebant.--Fidem, proof.

Sexcentesimum--annum. T. follows the Catonian Era. According to
the Varronian Era, received by the moderns, the date would be A.U.C.
641 = A.C. 113.

Alterum--consulatum. The second consulship of Trajan (when he was also
Emperor) was, after the reckoning of Tacitus, A.U.C. 850, according to
modern computation, 851 = A.D. 98. This year doubtless marks the time when
this treatise was written, else why selected?

Vincitur. So long is Germany in being conquered. (The work was never
completed.) Cf. Liv. 9, 3: quem per annos jam prope triginta vincimus.

Medio--spatio. In the intervening period, sc. of 210 years.

Samnis--Galliaeve. The Romans had fought bloody, and some times
disastrous battles with the Samnites (at the Caudine Forks, Liv. 9, 2.),
with the Carthaginians (in the several Punic Wars), with the Spaniards
under Viriathus and Sertorius (Florus, Lib. 2.), with the Gauls (Caes.
B.G. pass.). But none of these were so sanguinary as their wars with the
Germans.

Admonuere, sc. vulneribus, cladibus==castigavere.

Regno--libertas. Liberty and monarchy in studied antithesis. T. means to
imply that the former is the stronger principle of the two.

Arsacis. The family name of the Parthian kings, as Pharaoh and Ptolemy
of the Egyptian, Antiochus of the Syrian, &c.

Amisso et ipse, sc. oriens; the East itself also lost its prince
(Pacorus), in the engagement, as well as the Romans their leader
(Crassus).--Objecerit, reproach us with. Subj. Cf. n. G. 2: peteret.

Ventidium. Commander under Anthony, and conqueror of the Parthians in
three battles, A.U.C. 715. He was raised from the lowest rank and the
meanest employment, hence perhaps the expression, dejectus infra,
humbled beneath Ventidius.

Carbone--Manlio, Cneius Papirius Carbo defeated at Noreja, A.U. 641
(Liv. Epit. 63.), L. Cassius Longinus defeated and slain, 647 (Caes. B.G.
1, 7. 12.), M. Aurelius Scaurus defeated and taken captive, 648 (Liv.
Epit. 67.), Servilius Caepio and M. Manlius defeated with great slaughter
at Tolosa, 649 (Liv. Epit. 67.), Quintilius Varus defeated and slain, 762
(Suet. Oct. 23.)--all these victories over the Romans in their highest
strength and glory--either in the time of the Republic (Populo Romano),
or of the Empire under Augustus (Caesari)--all these attested the
courage and military prowess of the Germans; and they were still, for the
most part, as free and as powerful as ever.

Caius Marius almost annihilated the Cimbri at Aquae Sextiae, A.U.C.
652.

Drusus. Claudius Drusus invaded Germany four times, 742-3, and finally
lost his life by falling from his horse on his return, cf. Dio. Libb. 54.
55.

Nero, commonly known as Tiberius (brother of Drusus and stepson of
Augustus), had the command in Germany at three different times, 746-7,
756-9, 764-5, cf. Suet. Tib. 9. seq.

Germanicus, son of Drusus, made four campaigns in Germany, A.D. 14-16,
cf. Ann. B. 1. and 2.

C. Caesaris. Caligula, cf. Suet. Calig.; T. His. 4, 15.

Discordiae--armorum. The civil wars after the death of Nero under
Galba, Otho, and Vitellius.

Expugnatis--hibernis. By the Batavians under Civilis. His. 4, 12 seq.;
A. 41.

Affectavere. Aspired to the government of, cf. note on affectationem,
28. After donec, T. always expresses a single definite past action by
the perf. ind., cf. A. 36: donec--cohortatus est; a repeated, or
continued past action by the imp. subj. cf. note, A. 19: donec--fieret;
and a present action, which is in the nature of the case also a continued
action, by the pres. subj. cf. note, 1: separet.

Triumphati. Poetice, cf. Virg. Aen. 6, 837: Triumphata Corintho; Hor.
Od. 3, 3, 43: Triumphati Medi. The reference here is to the ridiculous
triumph of Domitian, A. 39, in which slaves, purchased and dressed out
for the purpose, were borne as captives through the streets.

XXXVIII. Suevis. In the time of T. a powerful confederacy, embracing
all the tribes enumerated in 39-45, and covering all the eastern and
larger half of Germany. But the confederacy was soon dissolved and seldom
appears in subsequent history. We still have a trace of their name in the
Modern Suabia. The name is supposed by some philologists (e.g. Zeuss)
to denote unsettled wanderers (Germ. Schweben, to wave, to hover, cf.
Caes. B.G. 4, 1: Suevis non longius anno remanere uno in loco, etc.); as
that of the Saxons does settlers, or fixed residents (Germ. Sassen),
and that of the Franks, freemen. See Rup. in loc. An ingenious Article
in the North American Review (July, 1847), makes the distinction of Suevi
and non-Suevi radical and permanent in the religion and the language of
the Germans; the Suevi becoming Orthodox Catholics, and the non-Suevi
Arians in Ecclesiastical History, and the one High-Dutch and the other
Low-Dutch in the development of their language.

Adhuc. Cf. note on it, 19. As to position, cf. insuper 31, and 34.
The Suevi are still (adhuc) divided into distinct tribes bearing
distinct names, though united in a confederacy. Cf. Hand's Tursellinus,
1, 163. Död. renders besides, sc. the general designation of Suevi.

In commune. In common. Not used in this sense by Cic., Caes. and Liv.,
though frequent in T. Gr. Cf. note on the same, 27.

Obliquare. To turn the hair back, or comb it up contrary to its natural
direction--and then fasten it in a knot on the top of the head
(substringere nodo); so it seems to be explained by the author himself
below: horrentem capillum retro sequuntur ac in ipso solo vertice
religant. Others translate obliquare by twist. Many ancient writers
speak of this manner of tying the hair among the Germans, cf. Sen. de
Ira. 3, 26.; Juv. 13, 164.

A servis separantur. Separantur==distinguuntur. Servants among the
Suevi seem to have had their hair shorn. So also it was among the Franks
at a later date. Vid. Greg. Tur. 3, 8.

Rarum et intra, etc. Enallage, cf. note certum quique, 32.

Retro sequuntur, i.e. follow it back, as it were, in its growth, and
tie it up on the very crown of the head only, instead of letting it
hang down, as it grows (submittere crinem). So K., Or. and many others.
Passow and Död. take sequuntur in the sense of desire, delight in (our
word seek). The word bears that sense, e.g. 5: argentum magis quam
aurum sequuntur. But then what is retro sequuntur? for retro must
be an adjunct of sequuntur both from position, and because there is no
other word which it can limit. Saepe implies, that sometimes they made
a knot elsewhere, but often they fasten it there, and there only. See
Or. in loc. This whole passage illustrates our author's disposition to
avoid technical language. Cf. note, II. 2, 21.

Innoxiae. Harmless, unlike the beauty cultivated among the Romans to
dazzle and seduce.

In altitudinem, etc. For the sake of (increased) height and terror,
i.e. to appear tall and inspire terror. Cf. note, A, 5: in
jactationem; A. 7: in suam famam. The antithetic particle is omitted
before this clause as it often is by our author.

Ut hostium oculis, to strike with terror the eyes of the enemy, for
primi in omnibus proeliis oculi vincuntur, 43.

XXXIX. Vetustissimos. Oldest. Vetus is old, of long duration
([Greek; etos], aetas). antiquus, ancient, belonging to a preceding
age (ante). Recens (fresh, young) is opposed to the former: novus
(new, modern), to the latter. See Ramshorn and Freund.

Fides antiquitatis. Antiquitatis is objective gen.==the belief, or
persuasion of their antiquity.

Auguriis--sacram. The commentators all note the hexameter structure of
these words, and many regard them as a quotation from some Latin poet.
The words themselves are also poetical, e.g. patrum for majorum, and
formidine for religione. The coloring is Virgilian. Cf. Aen. 7, 172;
8, 598. See Or. in loc. and Preliminary Remarks to the Histories, p. 234.

Legationibus coeunt. Just as we say: convene by their delegates, or
representatives.

Publice==publica auctoritate, cf. same word, 10.

Primordia. Initiatory rites.

Minor, sc. numine. Inferior to the god.

Prae se ferens. Expressing in his external appearance, or bearing in his
own person an acknowledgment of the power of the divinity.

Evolvuntur==se evolvunt, cf. Ann. 1, 13: cum Tiberii genua
advolveretur; also lavantur, 22.

Eo--tanquam. Has reference to this point, as if, i.e. to this opinion,
viz. that thence, etc. Cf. illuc respicit tanquam, 12.--Inde From the
grove, or the god of the grove. Cf. 3: Tuisconem ... originem gentis.

Adjicit auctoritatem, sc. isti superstitioni.

Magno corpore==reipublicae magnitudine. Corpore, the body politic. So
His. 4, 64: redisse vos in corpus nomenque Germanorum.--Habitantur. Al.
habitant and habitantium, by conjecture. The subject is the Semnonian
country implied in Semnonum: the Semnonians inhabit a hundred
villages, is the idea.

XL. Langobardos. The Lombards of Mediaeval history; so called probably
from their long beards (Germ, lang and bart). First mentioned by
Velleius, 2, 106: gens etiam Germana feritate ferocior. See also Ann. 2,
45, 46, 62-64.--Paucitas here stands opposed to the magno corpore of
the Semnones in 39.

Per--periclitando. Three different constructions, cf. notes 16, 18.

Reudigni. Perhaps the Jutes, so intimately associated with the Angles
in subsequent history. See Or. in loc. In like manner, Zeuss identifies
the Suardones with the Heruli, and the Nuithones with the Teutones.
Suardones perhaps==sword-men.

Anglii. The English reader will here recognize the tribe of Germans
that subsequently invaded, peopled, and gave name to England
(==Angl-land), commonly designated as the Anglo-Saxons. T. does not
mention the Saxons. They are mentioned by Ptolemy and others, as
originally occupying a territory in this same part of Germany. They
became at length so powerful, as to give their name to the entire
confederacy (including the Angles), which ruled northern Germany, as the
Franks (the founders of the French monarchy) did southern. The Angles
seem to have dwelt on the right bank of the Elbe, near its mouth, in the
time of T.

Nerthum. This is the reading of the MSS. and the old editions. It
cannot be doubted that T. speaks of Hertha (see Turn. His. Ang. Sax.,
App. to B. 2. chap. 3). "But we must take care not to correct our author
himself." Passow. Grimm identifies this deity with Niördhr of the Edda,
and derives the name from Nord (North).--Terram matrem. The Earth is
worshipped by almost all heathen nations, as the mother of men and the
inferior gods. See Mur. in loco. Cf. 2: Tuisconem Deum, terra editum;
also note, 9. Isidi.

Insula. Scholars differ as to the Island. Probabilities perhaps are in
favor of Rugen, where the secretus lacus mentioned below is still
shown, still associated with superstitious legends.

Castum. Polluted by nothing profane. So Hor: castis lucis.

Penetrali, viz. the sacred vehicle.

Dignatur. Deems worthy of her visits.

Templo, sc. the sacred grove. Templum, like [Greek: temenos], denotes
any place set apart (from [Greek: temno]) for sacred purposes, cf. 9.

Numen ipsum. The goddess herself, not an image of her; for the Germans
have no images of their gods, 9. Abluitur, as if contaminated by
intercourse with mortals.

Perituri, etc. Which can be seen only on penalty of death.

XLI. Propior, sc. to the Romans.--Hermundurorum. Ritter identifies
the name (Hermun being omitted, and dur being==thur) and the people
with the _Thur_ingians. Cf. note 2: Ingaevones.

Non in ripa. Not only (or not so much) on the border (the
riverbank), but also within the bounds of the Roman Empire.

Splendidissima--colonia. This flourishing colony had no distinctive
name in the age of T.; called afterwards Augusta Vindelicorum, now
Augsburg.

Passim. Wherever they chose--Sine custode. Not so others. Cf. His. 4,
64: ut inermes ac prope nudi, sub custode et pretio coiremus.

Cum--ostendamus. Cum==while, although. Hence the subj.

Non concupiscentibus. Since they were not covetous, Gün. Gr renders:
though they were not equally desirous of it.

Notum--auditur. The Elbe had been seen and crossed by Drusus
Domitius, and Tiberius. But now it was known only by hearsay. See a
like patriotic complaint at the close of 37.

XLII. Marcomanni==men of the marches. See Latham in loc--Sedes, sc.
Bohemia.--Pulsis olim Boiis, cf. 28.

Degenerant, sc. a reliquorum virtute, i.e. the Narisci and Quadi
are not unworthy, do not fall short of the bravery of their neighbors.
the Marcomanni.

Peragitur. Al. protegitur, porrigitur, &c. Different words are
supplied as the subject of peragitur, e.g. Passow iter.; Rit.
cursus; K. frons. The last is preferable. The meaning is: This
country (sc. of these tribes) is the front, so to speak (i.e. the
part facing the Romans) of Germany, so far as it is formed by the
Danube, i.e. so far as the Danube forms the boundary between Germany
and the Roman Empire.

Marobodui. Cf. Ann. 2, 62; Suet. Tib. 37.

Externos, sc. reges, viz. the kings of the Hermunduri. Ann. 2, 62.--
Potentia. Power irrespective of right. Potestas is lawful
authority. See note, 7

Nec minus valent, sc. being aided by our money, than they would be if
they were reinforced by our arms. This clause in some copies stands at
the beginning of 43.

XLIII. Retro. Back from the Danube and the Roman border.--Referunt.
Resemble. Poetical, cf. 20.

Et quod patiuntur, sc. proves that they are not of German origin. They
paid tribute as foreigners. The Gothini were probably a remnant of the
expelled Boii. Cf. note, 28, and Prichard, as there cited. Hence their
Gallic language.

Quo magis pudeat. They have iron beyond even most of the Germans (cf.
6), but (shame to tell) do not know how to use it in asserting their
independence. Subj. H. 497; Z. 536.

Pauca campestrium. Poetical, but not uncommon in the later Latin. So
41: secretiora Germaniae; His. 4, 28: extrema Galliarum. H. 396, III.
2. 3; Z. 435.

Jugum. A mountain chain.--Vertices. Distinct summits.

Insederunt. This word usually takes a dat., or an abl., with in. But
the poets and later prose writers use it as a transitive verb with the
acc.==have settled, inhabited. Cf. H. 371, 4; Z. 386; and Freund sub
voce. Observe the comparatively unusual form of the perf. 3d plur. in
-erunt instead of -ere. Cf. note, His. 2, 20.

Nomen==gens. So nomen Latinum==Latins. Liv. pass.

Interpretatione Romana. So we are every where to understand Roman
accounts of the gods of other nations. They transferred to them the names
of their own divinities according to some slight, perhaps fancied
resemblance. Cf. note, 34: quicquid consensimus.

Ea vis numini, i.e. these gods render the same service to the Germans,
as Castor and Pollux to the Romans.

Alcis, dat. pl. Perhaps from the Slavonic word holcy==kouros, Greek
for Castor and Pollux. Referable to no German root.

Peregrinae, sc. Greek or Roman.--Tamen. Though these gods bear no
visible trace of Greek or Roman origin, yet they are worshipped as
brothers, as youth, like the Greek and Roman Twins.--
Superstitionis==religionis. Cf. notes, His. 3, 58; 5, 13.

Lenocinantur. Cherish, increase. Used rhetorically; properly, to
pander.--Arte, sc. nigra scuta, &c.--Tempore, sc. atras noctes, &c.
--Tincta==tattooed.

Ipsaque formidine, etc. And by the very frightfulness and shadow of
the deathlike army. Umbra may be taken of the literal shadows of the
men in the night, with Rit., or with Död. and Or., of the general image
or aspect of the army. Feralis, as an adj., is found only in poetry
and post-Augustan prose. See Freund.

Gothones. Probably the Getae of earlier, and the Goths of later
history. See Or. in loc. and Grimm and other authorities as there cited.
The Rugii have perpetuated their name in an island of the Baltic
(Rugen).

Adductius. Lit. with tighter rein, with more absolute power cf. His.
3, 7: adductius, quam civili bello, imperitabat. The adv. is used only in
the comp.; and the part. adductus is post-Augustan. Jam and nondum
both have reference to the writer's progress in going over the tribes of
Germany, those tribes growing less and less free as he advances eastward:
already under more subjection than the foregoing tribes, but not yet
in such abject slavery, as some we shall soon reach, sc. in the next
chapter, where see note on jam.

Supra. So as to trample down liberty and destroy it.

Protinus deinde ab, etc. Next in order, from the ocean, i.e. with
territory beginning from or at the ocean.

XLIV. Suionum. Swedes. Not mentioned under this name, however, by any
other ancient author.

Ipso. The Rugii, &c., mentioned at the close of the previous section,
dwelt by the ocean (ab Oceano); but the Suiones in the ocean (in
Oceano). Ipso marks this antithesis.

In Oceano. An island in the Baltic. Sweden was so regarded by the
ancients, cf. 1, note.

Utrimque prora. Naves biprorae. Such also had the Veneti, Caes. B.G.
3, 13. Such Germanicus constructed, His. 3, 47. So also the canoes of the
N. Am. Indians.

Ministrantur, sc. naves==the ships are not furnished with sails, cf.
His. 4, 12: viros armaque ministrant. Or it may be taken in the more
literal sense: are served, i.e. worked, mannged. Cf. Virg. Aen. 6, 302:
velisque ministrat.--In ordinem. For a row, i.e. so as to form a row,
cf. Z. 314: also Rit. and Död. in loc. The northmen (Danes and Swedes)
became afterwards still more famous for navigation and piratical
excursions, till at length they settled down in great numbers in France
and England.

In quibusdam fluminum. Rivers with steep banks require the oars to be
removed in order to approach the bank.

Est--honos. Contrary to the usual fact in Germany, cf. 5.

Exceptionibus. Limitations.--Jam. Now, i.e. here, opposed to the
foregoing accounts of free states and limited monarchies.

Precario. Properly: obtained by entreaty. Hence: dependent on the
will of another, cf. A. 16.--Parendi. A gerund with passive sense,
lit. with no precarious right of being obeyed. So Pass., K., Wr. and
Gün.

In promiscuo. The privilege of wearing arms is not conceded to the mass
of the people.--Et quidem==et eo, and that too.

Otiosa--manus. Al. otiosae by conjecture. But manus, a collective
noun sing. takes a pl. verb, cf. H. 461, 1; Z. 366.

Regia utilitas est==regibus utile est.

XLV. Pigrum. Cf. A. 10: pigrum et grave. The Northern or Frozen Ocean,
of which T. seems to have heard, though some refer it to the northern
part of the Baltic. See Ky. in loc.

Hinc. For this reason, viz. quod extremus, etc.

In ortus. Till the risings (pl.) of the sun, i.e. from day to day
successively. It was known in the age of T. that the longest day grew
longer towards the north, till at length it became six months (cf. Plin.
N.H. 2, 77), though T. supposed it to be thus long at a lower latitude
than it really was, cf. A. 12.

Sonum--aspici. The aurora borealis, some suppose.

Persuasio adjicit. The common belief adds, i.e. it is further
believed, cf. His. 5, 5. 13: persuasio inerat.

Illuc--natura. Tantum is to be connected with illuc usque. Thus far
only nature extends. So thought the ancients. Cf. A. 33: in ipso
terrarum ac naturae fine. Et vera fama is parenthetic. The author
endorses this part of the story.

Ergo marks a return from the above digression.

Suevici maris. The Baltic.

Aestyorum==eastern men, modern Esthonians. Their language was probably
neither German nor Briton, but Slavonic.

Matrem Deum. Cybele, as the Romans interpreted it, cf. 43.

Insigne--gestant. Worn, as amulets.

Frumenta laborant, i.e. labor for, or to produce, corn. Cf. Hor.
Epod. 5, 60. Laborare is transitive only in poetry and post-Augustan
prose. Elaborare would imply too much art for the author's purpose. See
Rit. in loc.

Succinum. Amber, an important article of commerce in early ages,
combining some vegetable juice (hence the Latin name, from succus) with
some mineral ingredients.--Glesum. This name was transferred to
glass, when it came into use. The root is German. Compare [Greek:
chalaza.] Död.

Nec==non tamen. Yet it is not, etc.

Ut barbaris. Cf. ut inter barbaros, A. 11. Barbaris is dative in
apposition with iis, which is understood after compertum.

Quae--ratio. What power or process of nature.

Donec--dedit. Cf. note, 87: affectavere.

Plerumque. Often; a limited sense of the word peculiar to
post-Augustan Latin. Cf. G. 13: ipsa plerumque fama bella profligant;
and Freund ad v.

Quae--expressa==quorum succus expressus, etc.

In tantum. To such a degree. Frequent only in late Latin.

A servitute. They fall short of liberty in not being free, like most of
the Germans; and they fall below slavery itself, in that they are slaves
to a woman.

XLVI. Venedorum et Fennorum. Modern Vends and Finns, or Fen-men. Cf.
Latham in loc.--Ac torpor procerum. The chief men are lazy and
stupid, besides being filthy, like all the rest.

Foedantur. Cf. infectos, 4.--Habitum, here personal appearance, cf.
note, 17.--Ex moribus, sc. Sarmatarum.

Erigitur. Middle sense. Raise themselves, or rise, cf. evolvuntur,
39.

Figunt. Have fixed habitations, in contrast with the Sarmatians, who
lived in carts. Cf. Ann. 13, 54: fixerant domos Frisii. Al. fingunt.

Sarmatis. The stock of the modern Russians, cf. 1. note.

Cubile. We should expect cubili to correspond with victui and
vestituti. But cf. note 18: referantur; 20: ad patrem, &c.

Comitantur, i.e. feminae comitantur viris.

Ingemere--illaborare. Toil and groan upon houses and lands, i.e. in
building and tilling them; though some understand domibus and agris
as the places in which they toil.

Versare. To be constantly employed in increasing the fortune of
themselves and others, agitated meanwhile by hope and fear.

Securi. Because they have nothing to lose.

Illis. Emphatic. They, unlike others, have no need, &c. Cf. apud
illos, 44.

In medium relinquam. Leave for the public, i.e. undecided.

Relinquere in medio is the more common expression. Bötticher in his
Lex. Tac. explains it, as equivalent by Zeugma to in medium vocatum
relinquam in medio. So in Greek, en and eis often interchange.

AGRICOLA.

The Biography of Agricola was written early in the reign of Trajan (which
commenced A.U.C. 851. A.D. 98), consequently about the same time with the
Germania, though perhaps somewhat later (cf. notes on Germania). This
date is established by inference from the author's own language in the 3d
and the 44th sections (see notes). In the former, he speaks of the dawn
of a better day, which opened indeed with the reign of Nerva, but which
is now brightening constantly under the auspices of Trajan. The use of
the past tense (miscuerit) here in respect to Nerva, and of the present
(augeat) in respect to Trajan, is quite conclusive evidence, that at
the time of writing, the reign of Nerva was past, and that of Trajan had
already begun.

The other passage is, if possible, still more clearly demonstrative of
the same date. Here in drawing the same contrast between past tyranny and
present freedom, the author, without mentioning Nerva, records the desire
and hope, which his father-in-law expressed in his hearing, that he might
live to see Trajan elevated to the imperial throne--language very proper
and courtly, if Trajan were already Emperor, but a very awkward
compliment to Nerva, if, as many critics suppose, he were still the
reigning prince.

It is objected to this date, that if Nerva were not still living, Tacitus
could not have failed to attach to his name (in § 3.) the epithet
Divus, with which deceased Emperors were usually honored. And from the
omission of this epithet in connection with the name of Nerva, together
with the terms of honor in which Trajan is mentioned, it is inferred
that the piece was written in that brief period of three months, which
intervened between the adoption of Trajan by Nerva, and Nerva's death
(see Brotier and many others). But the application of the epithet in
question, was not a matter of necessity or of universal practice. Its
omission in this case might have been accidental, or might have proceeded
from unknown reasons. And the bare absence of a single word surely cannot
be entitled to much weight, in comparison with the obvious and almost
necessary import of the passages just cited.

The primary object of the work is sufficiently obvious. It was to honor
the memory of the writer's excellent father-in-law, Agricola (cf. § 3:
honori Agricolae, mei soceri, destinatus). So far from apologizing for
writing the life of so near a friend, he feels assured that his motives
will be appreciated and his design approved, however imperfect may be its
execution; and he deems an apology necessary for having so long delayed
the performance of that filial duty. After an introduction of singular
beauty and appropriateness (cf. notes), he sketches a brief outline of
the parentage, education, and early life of Agricola, but draws out more
at length the history of his consulship and command in Britain, of which
the following summary, from Hume's History of England, may not be
unprofitable to the student in anticipation: "Agricola was the general,
who finally established the dominion of the Romans in this island. He
governed it in the reigns of Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian. He carried
his victorious arms northward; defeated the Britons in every encounter,
pierced into the forests and the mountains of Caledonia, reduced every
state to subjection in the southern parts of the island, and chased
before him all the men of fiercer and more intractable spirits, who
deemed war and death itself less intolerable than servitude under the
victors. He defeated them in a decisive action which they fought under
Galgacus; and having fixed a chain of garrisons between the friths of
Clyde and Forth, he cut off the ruder and more barren parts of the island
and secured the Roman province from the incursions of the more barbarous
inhabitants. During these military enterprises, he neglected not the arts
of peace. He introduced laws and civility among the Britons; taught them
to desire and raise all the conveniences of life; reconciled them to the
Roman language and manners; instructed them in letters and science; and
employed every expedient to render those chains which he had forged both
easy and agreeable to them." (His. of Eng. vol. 1.)

The history of Agricola during this period is of course the history of
Britain. Accordingly the author prefaces it with an outline of the
geographical features, the situation, soil, climate, productions and, so
far as known to the Romans, the past history of the island. Tacitus
possessed peculiar advantages for being the historian of the early
Britons. His father-in-law was the first to subject the whole island to
the sway of Rome. He traversed the country from south to north at the
head of his armies, explored it with his own eyes, and reported what he
saw to our author with his own lips. He saw the Britons too, in their
native nobleness, in their primitive love of liberty and virtue; before
they had become the slaves of Roman arms, the dupes of Roman arts, or the
victims of Roman vices. A few paragraphs in the concise and nervous style
of Tacitus, have made us quite acquainted with the Britons, as Agricola
found them; and on the whole, we have no reason to be ashamed of the
primaeval inhabitants of the land of our ancestry. They knew their
rights, they prized them, they fought for them bravely and died for them
nobly. More harmony among themselves might have delayed, but could not
have prevented the final catastrophe. Rome in the age of Trajan was
irresistible; and Britain became a Roman province. This portion of the
Agricola of Tacitus, and the Germania of the same author, entitle him to
the peculiar affection and lasting gratitude of those, whose veins flow
with Briton and Anglo-Saxon blood, as the historian, and the contemporary
historian too, of their early fathers. It is a notable providence for us,
nay it is a kind providence for mankind, that has thus preserved from the
pen of the most sagacious and reflecting of all historians an account,
too brief though it be, of the origin and antiquities of the people that
of all others now exert the widest dominion whether in the political or
the moral world, and that have made those countries which were in his day
shrouded in darkness, the radiant points for the moral and spiritual
illumination of our race. "The child is father to the man," and if we
would at this day investigate the elements of English law, we have it on
the authority of Sir William Blackstone, that we must trace them back to
their founders in the customs of the Britons and Germans, as recorded by
Caesar and Tacitus.

With the retirement of Agricola from the command in Britain, the author
falls back more into the province of biography. The few occasional
strokes, however, in which the pencil of Tacitus has sketched the
character of Domitian in the background of the picture of Agricola are
the more to be prized, because his history of that reign is lost.

In narrating the closing scenes of Agricola's life, Tacitus breathes the
very spirit of an affectionate son, without sacrificing the impartiality
and gravity of the historian, and combines all a mourner's simplicity and
sincerity with all the orator's dignity and eloquence.

How tenderly he dwells on the wisdom and goodness of his departed father;
how artlessly he intersperses his own sympathies and regrets, even as if
he were breathing out his sorrows amid a circle of sympathizing friends!
At the same time, how instructive are his reflections, how noble his
sentiments, and how weighty his words, as if he were pronouncing an
eulogium in the hearing of the world and of posterity! The sad experience
of the writer in the very troubles through which he follows Agricola,
conspires with the affectionate remembrance of his own loss in the death
of such a father, to give a tinge of melancholy to the whole biography;
and we should not know where to look for the composition, in which so
perfect a work of art is animated by so warm a heart. In both these
respects, it is decidedly superior to the Germania. It is marked by the
same depth of thought and conciseness in diction, but it is a higher
effort of the writer, while, at the same time, it gives us more insight
into the character of the man. It has less of satire and more of
sentiment. Or if it is not richer in refined sentiments and beautiful
reflections, they are interwoven with the narrative in a manner more easy
and natural. The sentiments seem to be only the language of Agricola's
virtuous heart, and the reflections, we feel, could not fail to occur to
such a mind in the contemplation of such a character. There is also more
ease and flow in the language; for concise as it still is and studied as
it may appear, it seems to be the very style which is best suited to the
subject and most natural to the author. In another writer we might call
it labored and ambitious. But we cannot feel that it cost Tacitus very
much effort. Still less can we charge him with an attempt at display. In
short, an air of confidence in the dignity of the subject, and in the
powers of the author, pervades the entire structure of this fine specimen
of biography. And the reader will not deem that confidence ill-grounded.
He cannot fail to regard this, as among the noblest, if not the very
noblest monument ever reared to the memory of any individual.

"We find in it the flower of all the beauties, which T. has scattered
through his other works. It is a chef-d'oeuvre, which satisfies at once
the judgment and the fancy, the imagination and the heart. It is justly
proposed as a model of historical eulogy. The praises bestowed have in
them nothing vague or far-fetched, they rise from the simple facts of the
narrative. Every thing produces attachment, every thing conveys
instruction. The reader loves Agricola, admires him, conceives a passion
for him, accompanies him in his campaigns, shares in his disgrace and
profits by his example. The interest goes on growing to the last. And
when it seems incapable of further increase, passages pathetic and
sublime transport the soul out of itself, and leave it the power of
feeling only to detest the tyrant, and to melt into tenderness without
weakness over the destiny of the hero." (La Bletterie.)

   *       *       *       *       *

I. Usitatum. A participle in the acc. agreeing with the preceding
clause, and forming with that clause the object of the verb omisit.--
Nequidem. Cf. G. 6, note.

Incuriosa suorum. So Ann. 2, 88: dum vetera extollimus, recentium
incuriosi. Incuriosus is post-Augustan.

Virtus vicit--vitium. Alliteration, which is not unfrequent in T. as
also homoeoteleuta, words ending with like sounds. Dr.

Ignorantiam--invidiam. The gen. recti limits both subs., which
properly denote different faults, but since they are usually associated,
they are here spoken of as one (vitium).

In aperto. Literally, in the open field or way; hence, free from
obstructions. Sal. (Jug. 5) uses it for in open day, or clear light.
But that sense would be inappropriate here. Easy. Not essentially
different from pronum, which properly means inclined, and hence
easy. These two words are brought together in like manner in other
passages of our author, cf. 33: vota virtusque in aperto, omniaque
prona victoribus. An inelegant imitation may be thus expressed in
English: down-hill and open-ground work.

Sine gratia aut ambitione. Without courting favor or seeking preferment.
Gratia properly refers more to the present, ambitio to the future. Cf.
Ann. 6, 46: Tiberio non perinde gratia praesentium, quam in posteros
ambitio. Ambitio is here used in a bad sense (as it is sometimes in
Cic.) For still another bad sense of the word, cf. G. 27.

Celeberrimus quisque. Such men as Pliny the elder, Claudius Pollio,
and Julius Secundus, wrote biographies. Also Rusticus and Senecio. See
chap. 2.

Plerique. Not most persons, but many, or very many. Cf. His. 1, 86,
and 4, 84, where it denotes a less number than plures and plurimi, to
which it is allied in its root (ple, ple-us, plus, plerus. See Freund ad
v.)

Suam ipsi vitam. Autobiography. Cic. in his Epist. to Lucceius says: If
I cannot obtain this favor from you, I shall perhaps be compelled to
write my own biography, multorum exemplo et clarorum virorum. When
ipse is joined to a possessive pronoun in a reflexive clause, it takes
the case of the subject of the clause. Cf. Z. 696, Note; H. 452, 1.

Fiduciam morum. A mark of conscious integrity; literally confidence
of, i.e. in their morals. Morum is objective gen. For the two
accusatives (one of which however is the clause suam--narrare) after
arbitrati sunt, see Z. 394; H. 373. A gen. may take the place of the
latter acc., esse being understood, Z. 448.

Rutilio. Rutilius Rufus, consul A.U.C. 649, whom Cic. (Brut. 30, 114.)
names as a profound scholar in Greek literature and philosophy, and
Velleius (2, 13, 2.) calls the best man, not merely of his own, but of
any age. He wrote a Roman history in Greek. Plut. Mar. 28. His
autobiography is mentioned only by Tacitus.

Scauro. M. Aemilius Scaurus, consul A.U.C. 639, who wrote an
autobiography, which Cic. (Brut. 29, 112.) compares favorably with the
Cyropaedia of Xenophon.

Citra fidem. Cf. note G. 16.--Aut obtrectationi. Enallage, cf. note,
G. 15. Render: This in the case of Rutilius and Scaurus did not impair
(public) confidence or incur (public) censure.

Adeo. To such a degree, or so true it is. Adeo conclusiva, et in
initio sententiae collocata, ad mediam latinitatem pertinet. Dr. Livy
uses adeo in this way often; Cic. uses tantum.

At nunc, etc. But now (in our age so different from those better
days) in undertaking to write (i.e. if I had undertaken to write) the
life of a man at the time of his death, I should have needed permission;
which I would not have asked, since in that case I should have fallen
on times so cruel and hostile to virtue. The reference is particularly
to the time of Domitian, whose jealousy perhaps occasioned the death of
Agricola, and would have been offended by the very asking of permission
to write his biography. Accordingly the historian proceeds in the next
chapter to illustrate the treatment, which the biographers of eminent men
met with from that cruel tyrant. Opus fuit stands instead of opus
fuisset. Cf. His. 1, 16: dignus eram; 3, 22: ratio fuit; and Z. 518,
519. The concise mode of using the future participles narraturo and
incursaturus (in place of the verb in the proper mood and with the
proper conjunctions, if, when, since) belongs to the silver age, and is
foreign to the language of Cicero. Such is the interpretation, which
after a thorough reinvestigation, I am now inclined to apply to this much
disputed passage. It is that of Ritter. It will be seen that the text
also differs slightly from that of the first edition (in-cursaturus
instead of ni cursaturus). Besides the authority of Rit., Död., Freund
and others, I have been influenced by a regard to the usage of Tacitus,
which lends no sanction to a transitive sense of cursare. Cf. Ann. 15,
50; His. 5, 20. In many editions, mihi stands before nunc narraturo.
But nunc is the emphatic word, and should stand first, as it does in
the best MSS.

II. Legimus. Quis? Tacitus ejusdemque aetatis homines alii. Ubi? In
actis diurnis. Wr. These journals (Fiske's Man. p. 626., 4. ed.)
published such events (cf. Dio. 67, 11), and were read through the empire
(Ann. 16, 22). T. was absent from Rome when the events here referred to
took place (cf. 45: longae absentiae). Hence the propriety of his saying
legimus, rather than vidimus or meminimus, which have been proposed
as corrections.

Aruleno Rustico. Put to death by Domitian for writing a memoir or
penegyric on Paetus Thrasea, cf. Suet. Dom. 10.

Paetus Thrasea. Cf. Ann. 16, 21: Trucidatis tot insignibus viris, ad
postremum Nero virtutem ipsam exscindere concupivit, interfecto Thrasea
Paeto.

Herennio Senecioni. Cf. Plin. (Epist. 7, 19), where Senecio is said to
have written the life of Helvidius at the request of Fannia, wife of
Helvidius, who was also banished, as accessory to the crime, but who bore
into exile the very books which had been the cause of her exile. For the
dat. cf. note, G. 3: Ulixi.

Priscus Helvidius, son-in-law of Thrasea and friend of the younger
Pliny, was put to death by Vespasian. Suet. Vesp. 15; His. 4, 5; Juv.
Sat. 5, 36.

Laudati essent. The imp. and plup. subj. are used in narration after
cum, even when it denotes time merely. Here however a causal connection
is also intended. H. 518, II.; Z. 577, 578.

Triumviris. The Triumviri at Rome, like the Undecimviri (oi endeka)
at Athens, had charge of the prisons and executions, for which purpose
they had eight lictors at their command.

Comitio ac foro. The comitium was a part of the forum. Yet the words
are often used together (cf. Suet. Caes. 10). The comitium was the
proper place for the punishment of criminals, and the word forum
suggests the further idea of the publicity of the book-burning in the
presence of the assembled people.

Conscientiam, etc. The consciousness, i.e. common knowledge of
mankind; for conscientia denotes what one knows in common with others,
as well as what he is conscious of in himself. Cf. His. 1, 25:
conscientiam facinoris; Cic. Cat. 1. 1: omnium horum conscientia. In
his Annals (4, 35), T. ridicules the stupidity of those who expect by any
present power, to extinguish the memory also of the next generation.
The sentiment of both passages is just and fine.

Sapientiae professoribus. Philosophers, who were banished by Domitian,
A.D. 94, on the occasion of Rusticus's panegyric on Thrasea. T. not
unfrequently introduces an additional circumstance by the abl. abs., as
here.

Ne occurreret. Ne with the subj. expresses a negative intention; ut
non a negative result. H. 490; Z. 532.

Inquisitiones. A system of espionage, sc. by the Emperor's tools and
informers.--Et==etiam, even. Cf. note, 11. Al. etiam.

Memoriam--perdidissemus, i.e. we should not have dared to remember, if
we could have helped it.

III. Et quanquam. Et pro sed. So Dr. But nunc demum animus redit
implies, that confidence is hardly restored yet; and the reason for so
slow a recovery is given in the following clause. Hence et is used in
its proper copulative or explicative sense. So Wr. Demum is a
lengthened form of the demonstrative dem. Cf. i-dem, tan-dem,
dae. Nunc demum==nun dae. Freund.

Primo statim. Statim gives emphasis: at the very commencement, etc.;
cf. note, 20.--Dissociabiles, incompatible.

Augeatque--Trajanus. This marks the date of the composition early in
the reign of Trajan, cf. G. 37; also p. 139 supra.

Securitas publica. "And public security has assumed not only hopes and
wishes, but has seen those wishes arise to confidence and, stability.
Securitas publica was a current expression and wish, and was frequently
inscribed on medals." Ky.

Assumpserit. This word properly belongs only to fiduciam ac robur.
Spem ac votum would require rather conceperit. Zeugma.

Subit. Steals in, lit. creeps under. Cf. note, H. 1, 13.

Invisa primo--amatur. The original perhaps of Pope's lines Vice is a
monster, &c.

Quindecim annos. The reign of Domitian from A.D. 81, to A.D. 96.

Fortuitis casibus. Natural and ordinary death, as opposed to death by
violence, saevitia principis.--Promptissimus quisque. The ablest, or
all the ablest. Quisque with a superlative, whether singular or
plural, is in general equivalent to omnes with the positive, with the
additional idea however of a reciprocal comparison among the persons
denoted by quisque, Z. 710, 6.

Ut ita dixerim. An apology for the strong expression nostri
superstites: survivors not of others only, but so to speak, of ourselves
also; for we can hardly be said to have lived under the tyranny of
Dom., and our present happy life is, as it were, a renewed existence,
after being buried for fifteen years. A beautiful conception! The use of
dixerim in preference to dicam in this formula is characteristic of
the later Latin. Cf. Z. 528. The et before this clause is omitted by
some editors. But it is susceptible of an explanation, which adds spirit
to the passage: A few of us survive, and that not merely ourselves, but
so to speak, others also. In the Augustan age superstes was, for the
most part, followed by the dative.

Tamen. Notwithstanding the unfavorable circumstances in which I write,
after so long a period of deathlike silence, in winch we have almost lost
the gift of speech, yet I shall not regret to have composed even in
rude and inelegant language, etc. For the construction of pigebit, cf.
Z. 441, and H. 410, 6.

Memoriam--composuisse. Supposed to refer to his forthcoming history,
written, or planned and announced, but not yet published. Some understand
it of the present treatise. But then interim would have no meaning; nor
indeed is the language applicable to his Agricola.

Interim, sc. editus or vulgatus, published meanwhile, i.e. while
preparing the history.

The reader cannot but be struck with the beauty of this introduction. It
is modest, and at the same time replete with the dignity of conscious
worth. It is drawn out to considerable length, yet it is all so pertinent
and tasteful, that we would not spare a sentence or a word. With all the
thoughtful and sententious brevity of the exordiums of Sallust, it has
far more of natural ease and the beauty of appropriateness.

IV. Cnaeus Julius Agricola. Every Roman had at least three names: the
nomen or name of the gens, which always ended in ius (Julius); the
praenomen or individual name ending in us (Cnaeus); and the cognomen or
family name (Agricola). See a brief account of A. in Dion Cassius 66, 20.
Mentioned only by Dion and T. Al. Gnaeus, C. and G. being originally
identical.

Forojuliensium colonia. Now Frejus. A walled town of Gallia
Narbonensis, built by Julius Caesar, and used as a naval station by
Augustus (cf. His. 3, 43: claustra maris). Augustus sent thither the
beaked ships captured in the battle of Actium, Ann. 4, 5. Hence perhaps
called illustris.

Procuratorem Caesarum. Collector of imperial revenues in the Roman
Provinces.

Quae equestris--est, i.e. the procurator was, as we say, ex officio, a
Roman knight. The office was not conferred on senators.

Julius Graecinus. Cf. Sen. de Benef. 2, 21: Si exemplo magni animi opus
est, utemur Graecini Julii, viri egregii, quem C. Caesar occidit ob hoc
unum, quod melior vir esset, quam esse quemquam tyranno expediret.

Senatorii ordinis. Pred. after fuit understood, with ellipsis of
vir. H. 402, III.; Z. 426.

Sapientiae. Philosophy, cf. 1.--Caii Caesaris. Known in English
histories by the name of Caligula.

Marcum Silanum. Father-in-law of Caligula, cf. Suet. Calig. 23: Silanum
item socerum ad necem, secandasque novacula fauces compulit.

Jussus. Supply est. T. often omits est in the first of two passive
verbs, cf. 9: detentus ac statim ... revocatus est. In Hand's Tursellinus
(2, 474) however, jussus is explained as a participle, and quia
abnuerat as equivalent to another participle==having been commanded
and having refused.

Abnuerat, lit. had refused, because the refusal was prior to the
slaying. We, with less accuracy, say refused. Z. 505.

Rarae castitatis. Ellipsis of mulier. H. 402, III.; Z. 426.

In--indulgentiaque. Brought up in her bosom and tender love. Indulgentia
is more frequently used to denote excessive tenderness.

Arcebat has for its subject the clause, quod statim, etc. He was
guarded against the allurements of vice by the wholesome influences
thrown around him in the place of his early education.

Massiliam. Now Marseilles. It was settled by a colony of Phocaeans.
Hence Graeca comitate. Cf also Cicero's account of the high culture and
refinement of Massilia (Cic. pro Flacco, 26).--Provinciali parsimonia.
Parsimonia in a good sense; economy, as opposed to the luxury and
extravagance of Italy and the City.

Locum--mixtum. Enallage for locus, in quo mixta erant, etc. H. 704,
III., cf. 25: mixti copiis et laetitia.--Bene compositum denotes a
happy combination of the elements, of which mixtum expresses only the
co-existence.

Acrius, sc. aequo==too eagerly. H. 444, 1, and Z. 104, 1. note.

Concessum--senatori. Military and civil studies were deemed more
appropriate to noble Roman youth, than literature and philosophy.
Senatori must of course refer, not to the office of A., but to his rank
by birth, cf. senatorii ordinis above.

Hausisse, ni--coercuisset. An analysis of this sentence shows, that
there is an ellipsis of hausurum fuisse: he imbibed, and would have
continued to imbibe, had not, &c. In such sentences, which abound in T.
but are rarely found in Cic., ni is more readily translated by but.
Cf. Z. 519. b; and note, His. 3, 28. For the application of haurire
to the eager study of philosophy, cf. Hor. Sat. 2, 4, 95: haurire vitae
praecepta beatae, and note, His. 1, 51: hauserunt animo.

Prudentia matris. So Nero's mother deterred him from the study of
philosophy. Suet. Ner. 52.

Pulchritudinem ac speciem. The beautiful image, or beau ideal, by
hendiadys. Cf. Cic. Or. 2: species pulchritudinis. See Rit. in loc.

Vehementius quam caute. For vehementius quam cautius, which is the
regular Latin construction. T. uses both. Cf. Z. 690, and note, His. 1,
83.

Mox. In T. subsequently, not presently. R.

Retinuitque--modum. And, what is most difficult, he retained from
philosophy moderation--moderation in all things, but especially in
devotion to philosophy itself, where moderation is difficult in
proportion to the excellence of the pursuit, as was shown by the
extravagance of the Stoics and some other Grecian sects. As to the sense
of modum, cf. Hor. Sat. 1, 1, 106: est modus in rebus; and for the
sentiment, Hor. Ep. 1, 6, 15: Insani sapiens nomen ferat, aequus iniqui,
ultra quam satis est virtutem si petat ipsam.

V. Castrorum. This word is used to express whatever pertains to
military life, education, &c., as the context may require. Every Roman
youth who aspired to civil office, must have a military education.

Diligenti ac moderato. Careful and prudent, cf. our author's character
of the same commander, His. 2, 25: cunctator natura, etc.

Approbavit==fecit, ut ei probarentur. Dr. It is a constructio
praegnans. He obtained the first rudiments of a military education under
Paullinus, and he gained his approbation.

Electus--aestimaret. Having been chosen as one whom he would estimate
(i.e. test his merit) by tenting together, i.e. by making him his
companion and aid. Young men of rank and promise were thus associated
with Roman commanders. Cf. Suet., Caes. 2. T., as usual, avoids the
technical way of expressing the relation. Ad verbum, contubernium, cf.
note, His. 1, 43. Others make aestimaret==dignum aestimaret, and
contubernio abl. of price. Cf. Död. and Dr.

Licenter--segniter, sc. agens. Licenter refers to voluptates,
segniter to commeatus.--Commeatus==furloughs, absence from duty.--
Inscitiam, sc. tribunatus==ignorance of his official duty or
inexperience in war.--Retulit. Referre ad is used very much like the
corresponding English, viz. to refer to an object, or devote to an end.
Sense: He did not take advantage of his official standing and his
military inexperience, to give up his time to ease and pleasure. Wr.
takes retulit in the more ordinary sense of brought back, thus: A. did
not bring back (to Rome) the empty name of Tribune and no military
experience, there to give himself up to leisure and pleasure. The former
version accords better with the language of the whole passage. Wr.
questions the authority for such a use of referre. But it may be found,
e.g. Plin. Epist. 1, 22: nihil ad ostentationem, omnia ad
conscientiam refert.

Noscere--nosci, etc. T. is fond of such a series of inf. depending on
some one finite verb understood, and hence closely connected with each
other, cf. G. 30: praeponere, etc. note. Here supply from retulit
in the preceding number the idea: he made it his business or aim to
know, etc. The author's fondness for antithesis is very observable in
the several successive pairs here: noscere--nosci; discere--sequi;
appetere--recusare; anxius--intentus.

In jactationem. Al. jactatione. In denoting the object or purpose, Z.
314: he coveted no appointment for the sake of display; he declined none
through fear.

Anxius and intentus qualify agere like adverbs cf. R. Exc. 23, 1.
He conducted himself both with prudence and with energy.

Exercitatior==agitatior. So Cic. Som. Scip. 4: agitatus et exercitatus
animus; and Hor. Epod. 9, 31: Syrtes Noto exercitatas.

Incensae coloniae. Camalodunum, Londinium and Verulamium. Cf. Ann. 14,
33, where however the historian does not expressly say, the last two were
burned.

In ambiguo==ambigua, in a critical state. R.

Alterius, sc. ducis.--Artem et usum. Military science and
experience.

Summa ... cessit. The general management (cf. notes, H. 1, 87. 2, 16.
33) and the glory of recovering the province went to the general (to
his credit). The primary meaning of cedere is to go. See Freund sub
v.--Juveni, sc. A.

Tum, sc. while veterani trucidarentur, etc.--Mox, sc. when Paullinus
and A. came to the rescue.

Nec minus, etc. A remark worthy of notice and too often true.

VI. Magistratus. The regular course of offices and honors at Rome.

Per--anteponendo. Enallage, cf. G. 15, note. Per here denotes manner,
rather than means (cf. per lamenta, 28); and anteponendo
likewise==anteponentes. R. Render: mutually loving and preferring one
another.--Nisi quod==but. Cf. ni, 4. There is an ellipsis before nisi
quod, which R. would supply thus: greatly to the credit of both parties
--but more praise belongs to the good wife, etc. Major sc. quam in
bono viro. So, after plus supply quam in malo viro: But more praise
belongs to a good wife, than to a good husband, by as much as more
blame attaches to a bad wife, than to a bad husband.

Sors quaesturae. The Quaestors drew lots for their respective
provinces. Their number increased with the increase of the empire, till
from two they became twenty or more. As at first a Quaestor accompanied
each Consul at the head of an army, so afterwards each Proconsul, or
Governor of a province, had his Quaestor to collect and disburse the
revenues of the province. The Quaestorship was the first in the course of
Roman honors. It might be entered upon at the age of twenty-four.

Salvium Titianum. Brother of the Emperor Otho. See His. B. 1 and 2.
pass. For the office of Proconsul, &c., see note, His. 1, 49.

Parata peccantibus. Ready for wicked rulers, i.e. affording great
facilities for extortion in its corrupt and servile population. Paratus
With a dat. of the thing, for which there is a preparation, is peculiar
to poetry and post-Augustan prose. Cf. Freund ad v. Ad rem. cf. Cic.
Epist. ad Quint. 1, 1, 6: tam corruptrice provincia, sc. Asia; and pro
Mur. 9.

Quantalibet facilitate. Any indulgence (license) however great.

Redempturus esset. Subj. in the apodosis answering to a protasis
understood, sc. if A. would have entered into the plot. Cf. H. 502.
Observe the use of esset rather than fuisset to denote what the
proconsul would have been ready to do at any time during their
continuance in office. Cf. Wr. in loc.

Dissimulationem. Concealment (of what is true); simulatio, on the
other hand, is an allegation of what is false.

Auctus est filia. So Cic. ad Att. 1, 2: filiolo me auctum scito.

Ante sublatum. Previously born. For this use of sublatum, see
Lexicon.--Brevi amisit, he lost shortly after_; though R. takes amisit
as perf. for plup. and renders lost a short time before.

Mox inter, etc., sc. annum inter, supplied from etiam ipsum ...
annum below.

Tenor et silentium. Hendiadys for continuum silentium, or tenorem
silentem. R.

Jurisdictio. For the administration of justice in private cases had not
fallen to his lot. Only two of the twelve or fifteen Praetors, viz. the
Praetor Urbanus (see note H. 1, 47) and the Praetor Peregrinus (who
judged between foreigners and citizens) were said to exercise
jurisdictio. The adjudication of criminal causes was called quaestio,
which was now for the most part in the hands of the senate (Ann. 4, 6),
from whom it might be transferred by appeal to the Praefect of the City
or the Emperor himself. The Praetors received the jurisdictio or the
quaestio by lot; and in case the former did not fall to them, the
office was almost a sinecure; except that they continued to preside over
the public games. See further, on the name and office of Praetor, His. 1,
47, note. For the plup. in obvenerat, see note, 4: abnuerat.

Et==et omnino. The games and in general the pageantry of office
(inania honoris) expected of the Praetor. Observe the use of the neuter
plural of the adj. for the subst., of which, especially before a gen., T.
is peculiarly fond.

Medio rationis. The text is doubtful. The MSS. vacillate between medio
ratinois and modo rationis; and the recent editions, for the most
part, follow a third but wholly conjectural reading, viz. moderationis.
The sense is the same with either reading: He conducted the games and
the empty pageantry of office in a happy mean (partaking at once) of
prudence and plenty. See Freund ad duco.

Uti--propior. As far from luxury, so (in the same proportion) nearer to
glory, i.e. the farther from luxury, the nearer to glory. Cf. Freund ad
uti.

Longe--propior. Enallage of the adv. and adj. ef. G. 18: extra.

Ne sensisset. Would not have felt, etc., i.e. he recovered all the
plundered offerings of the temple, but those which had been
sacrilegiously taken away by Nero for the supply of his vicious
pleasures. This explanation supposes a protasis understood, or rather
implied in quam Neronis. (Cf H. 503, 2. 2). The plup. subj. admits
perhaps of another explanation, the subj. denoting the end with a view to
which Agricola labored (H. 531; Z. 549), and the plup. covering all the
past down to the time of his labors: he labored that the republic might
not have experienced, and he virtually effected that it had not
experienced, since he restored everything to its former state, the
plunder of Nero alone excepted. See Wr. and Or. in loc. Perhaps this
would not be an unexampled praegnantia for Tacitus. For sentire in
the sense of experiencing especially evil, see Hor. Od. 2, 7, 10, and
other examples in Freund sub v.

VII. Classis Othoniana. Ad rem. cf. His. 2, 12, seqq.--Licenter vaga.
Roaming in quest of plunder.--Intemelios, Cf. note, 2, 13.--In
praediis suis. On her own estates. Praedia includes both lands and
buildings.

Ad solemnia pietatis. To perform the last offices of filial affection.

Nuntio deprehensus. Supply est, cf. 4: jussus. Was overtaken
unexpectedly by the news of Vespasian's claim (nomination) to the
throne.--Affectati. Cf. note, G. 28.--In partes, to his (Vesp.)
party.

Principatus, sc. Vespasiani.--Mucianus regebat. Vesp. was detained in
Egypt for some time after his troops had entered Rome under Mucianus;
meanwhile Mucianus exercised all the imperial power, cf. His. 4, 11. 39:
vis penes Mucianum erat.

Juvene--usurpante. Dom. was now eighteen years old, cf. His. 4, 2:
nondum ad curas intentus, sed stupris et adulteriis filium principis
agebat.

Is, sc. Mucianus.--Vicesimae legioni. One of three legions, at that
time stationed in Britain, which submitted to the government of Vesp.
tarde and non sine motu (His. 3, 44).

Decessor. Predecessor. It was Roscius Coelius. His. 1, 60.

Legatis--consularibus. Governors or Proconsuls. The provinces were
governed by men who had been consuls (consulares), and as legatus
meant any commissioned officer, these were distinguished as legati
consulares. With reference to this consular authority, the same were
called proconsules. Cf. note, H. 1, 49. Trebellius Maximus and Vettius
Bolanus are here intended. Cf. 16. and His. 1, 60. 2, 65. Nimia==justo
potentior. Dr.

Legatus praetorius==legatus legionis, commander of the legion. Cf.
note, His. 1, 7. Here the same person as decessor.

Invenisse quam fecisse, etc., involves a maxim of policy worth noting.

VIII. Placidius. With less energy. See more of Bolanus at close of 16.

Dignum est. A general remark, applicable to any such province. Hence
the present, for which some would substitute erat or esset.

Ne incresceret, sc. ipse: lest he should become too great, i.e. rise
above his superior and so excite his jealousy. Referred by W. to
ardorem for its subject. But then ne incresceret would be
superfluous.

Consularem, sc. Legatum==Governor, cf. 7, note.

Petilius Cerialis. Cf. 17. Ann. 14, 32. His. 4, 68.

Habuerunt--exemplorum. Had room for exertion and so for setting a good
example, cf. Ann. 13, 8: videbaturque locus virtutibus patefactus. The
position of habuerunt is emphatic, as if he had said: then had
virtues, etc. See Rit. in loc.

Communicabat, sc. cum A.--Ex eventu, from the event, i.e. in
consequence of his success.

In suam famam. Cf. in jactationem, 5, note.

Extra gloriam is sometimes put for sine gloria, especially by the
late writers. His. 1, 49: extra vitia. Hand's Turs. 2, 679.

IX. Revertentem, etc. Returning from his command in Britain.--Divus.
Cf. notes, G. 28; His. 2, 33.

Vesp.--ascivit. By virtue of his office as Censor, the Emperor claimed
the right of elevating and degrading the rank of the citizens. Inasmuch
as the families of the aristocracy always incline to run out and become
extinct, there was a necessity for an occasional re-supply of the
patrician from the plebeian ranks, e.g. by Julius Caesar, Augustus and
Claudius (Ann. 11, 25), as well as by Vespasian (Aur. Vic. Caes. 9. Suet.
9.)--Provinciae--praeposuit. Aquitania was one of seven provinces, into
which Augustus distributed Gaul, and which with the exception of Narbonne
Gaul, were all subject to the immediate disposal and control of the
Emperor himself. It was the south-western part of Gaul, being enclosed by
the Rhone, the Loire, the Pyrenees and the Atlantic.

Splendidae--destinarat. A province of the first importance both in its
government (in itself considered), and the prospect of the consulship,
to which he (Vesp.) had destined him (A.), sc. as soon as his office
should have expired.

Subtilitatem==calliditatem, nice discernment, discrimination.--
Exerceat, Observe the subj. to express the views of others, not of the
author. H. 531; Z. 511.

_Secura--agens. Requiring less anxious thought and mental acumen, and
proceeding more by physical force. Secura==minus anxia. Dr. Cf. note,
His. 1, 1. Obtusior==minus acuta.

Togatos. Civilians in distinction from military men, like A. The toga
was the dress of civil life to some extent in the provinces (cf. 21,
His. 2, 20), though originally worn only in Rome. (Beck. Gall., Exc.
Sc. 8.)

Remissionumque. The Greeks and Romans both used the pl. of many
abstracts, of which we use only the sing. For examples see R. Exc. 4. For
the principle cf. Z. 92.

Curarum--divisi. This clause means not merely, that his time was
divided between business and relaxation; but that there was a broad
line of demarcation between them, as he proceeds to explain.
Divisa==diversa inter se. Dr. So Virg. Georg. 2, 116: divisae
arboribus patriae==countries are distinguished from each other by
their trees. Jam vero. Cf. note, G. 14.

Conventus, sc. juridici==courts. The word designates also the
districts in which the courts were held, and into which each province was
divided. Cf. Smith's Dict. of Ant.: Conventus. So Pliny (N.H. 3; 3.)
speaks of juridici conventus. Tacitus, as usual, avoids the technical
designation.

Ultra. Adv. for adj., cf. longe, 6.--Persona. 1. A mask (per and
sono). 2. Outward show, as here.

Tristitiam--exuerat. Some connect this clause by zeugma with the
foregoing. But with a misapprehension of the meaning of exuerat,
which==was entirely free from; lit. had divested himself of. Thus
understood, the clause is a general remark touching the character of
A., in implied contrast with other men or magistrates with whom those
vices were so common. So in Ann. 6, 25, Agrippina is said to have
divested herself of vices (vitia exuerat) which were common among
women, but which never attached to her. Facilitas. Opposed to
severitas==kindness, indulgence.

Abstinentiam. This word, though sometimes denoting temperance in food
and drink, more properly refers to the desire and use of money.
Abstinentia is opposed to avarice; continentia to sensual pleasure.
Cf. Plin. Epis. 6, 8: alieni abstinentissimus. Here render honesty,
integrity.

Cui--indulgent. See the same sentiment, His. 4, 6: quando etiam
sapientibus cupido gloriae novissima exuitur.

Ostentanda--artem, cf. 6: per--anteponendo; also G. 15, note.

Collegas. The governors of other provinces. The word means chosen
together; hence either those chosen at the same election or those chosen
to the same office. Cf. H. 1, 10.

Procuratores. There was but one at a time in each province. There may
have been several however in succession, while A. was Proconsul. Or we
may understand both this clause and the preceding, not of his government
in Aquitania in particular, but as a general fact in the life of A. So E.
For the office, see note, 4; and for an instance of a quarrel between the
Proconsul and the Procurator, Ann. 14, 38.

Atteri==vinci as the antithesis shows, though with more of the
implication of dignity impaired (worn off) by conflict with inferiors.

Minus triennium. Quam omitted. See H. 417, 3; Z. 485.

Comitante opinione. A general expectation attending him, as it were, on
his return.

Nullis sermonibus. Ablative of cause.

Elegit. Perf. to denote what has in fact taken place.

X. In comparationem. Cf. in suam famam, 8, note.

Perdomita est. Completely subdued.

Rerum fide==faithfully and truly; lit. with fidelity to facts.

Britannia. It has generally been supposed (though Gesenius denies it in
his Phenician Paloeography) that Britain was known to the Phenicians,
those bold navigators and enterprising merchants of antiquity, under the
name of the Cassiterides, or Tin Islands. Greek authors make early
mention of Albion (plural of Alp?) and Ierne (Erin) as British Islands.
Bochart derives the name (Britain) from the Phenician or Hebrew
Baratanae, "the Land of Tin;" others from the Gallic Britti, Painted,
in allusion to the custom among the inhabitants of painting their bodies.
But according to the Welsh Triads, Britain derived its name from Prydain,
a king, who early reigned in the island. Cf. Turner's His. Ang. Sax. 1,
2, seqq. The geographical description, which follows, cannot be
exonerated from the charge of verbiage and grandiloquence. T. wanted the
art of saying a plain thing plainly.

Spatio ac coelo. Brit. not only stretches out or lies over against
these several countries in situation, but it approaches them also in
climate: a circumstance which illustrates the great size of the island
(cf. maxima, above) and prepares the way for the description of both
below.

Germaniae and Hispaniae are dat. after obtenditur. The mistaken
notion of the relative position of Spain and Britain is shared with T. by
Caesar (B.G. 13), Dion (39, 50), and indeed by the ancients in general.
It is so represented in maps as late as Richard of Cirencester. Cf.
Prichard, III. 3, 9.

Etiam inspicitur. It is even seen by the Gauls, implying nearer
approach to Gaul, than to Germany or Spain.

Nullis terris. Abl. abs., contra taking the place of the part., or
rather limiting a part. understood.

Livius. In his 105th Book; now lost, except in the Epitome.

Fabius Rusticus. A friend of Seneca, and writer of history in the age
of Claudius and Nero.

Oblongae scutulae. Geometrically a trapezium.

Et est ea facies. And such is the form, exclusive of Caledonia, whence
the account has been extended also to the whole Island.

Sed--tenuatur. But a vast and irregular extent of lands jutting out
here (jam, cf. note, G. 44) on this remotest shore (i.e. widening
out again where they seemed already to have come to an end), is
narrowed down as it were into a wedge. The author likens Caledonia to
a wedge with its apex at the Friths of Clyde and Forth, and its base
widening out on either side into the ocean beyond. Enormis is a
post-Augustan word. Novissimi==extreme, remotest. G. 24, note.

Affirmavit. Established the fact, hitherto supposed, but not fully
ascertained. This was done in Agricola's last campaign in Britain,
cf. 38.

Orcadas. The Orkneys. Their name occurs earlier than this, but they
were little known.

Dispecta est. Was seen through the mist, as it were; discovered in the
distance and obscurity. Cf. note, H. 4, 55: dispecturas Gallias, etc.

Thule. Al. Thyle. What island T. meant, is uncertain. It has been
referred by different critics, to the Shetland, the Hebrides, and even to
Iceland. The account of the island, like that of the surrounding ocean,
is obviously drawn from the imagination.

Nam hactenus, etc. For their orders were to proceed thus far only,
and (besides) winter was approaching. Cf. hactenus, G. 25, and
appetere, Ann. 4, 51: appetente jam luce. The editions generally have
nix instead of jussum. But Rit. and Or. with reason follow the oldest
and best MSS. in the reading jussum, which with the slight and obvious
amendment of nam for quam by Rit. renders this obscure and vexed
passage at length easy and clear.

Pigrum et grave. See a similar description of the Northern Ocean, G.
25: pigrum ac prope immotum. The modern reader need not be informed, that
this is an entire mistake, as to the matter of fact; those seas about
Britain are never frozen; though the navigators in this voyage might
easily have magnified the perils and hardships of their enterprise, by
transferring to these waters what they had heard of those further north.

Perinde. Al. proinde. These two forms are written indiscriminately in
the old MSS. The meaning of ne perinde here is not so much, sc. as
other seas. Cf. note, G. 5.

Ne ventis--attolli. Directly the reverse of the truth. Those seas, are
in fact, remarkably tempestuous.

Quod--impellitur. False philosophy to explain a fictitious phenomenon,
as is too often the case with the philosophy of the ancients, who little
understood natural science, cf. the astronomy of T. in 12.

Neque--ac. Correlatives. The author assigns two reasons why he does not
discuss the subject of the tides: 1. It does not suit the design of his
work; 2. The subject has been treated by many others, e.g. Strab. 3, 5,
11; Plin. N.H. 2, 99, &c.

Multum fluminum. Multum is the object of ferre, of which mare is
the subject, as it is also of all the infinitives in the sentence.
Fluminum is not rivers but currents among the islands along the shore.

Nec littore tenus, etc. "The ebbings and flowings of the tide are not
confined to the shore, but the sea penetrates into the heart of the
country, and works its way among the hills and mountains, as in its
native bed." Ky. A description very appropriate to a coast so cut up by
aestuaries, and highly poetical, but wanting in simplicity.

Jugis etiam ac montibus. Jugis, cf. G. 43. Ac. Atque in the common
editions. But ac, besides being more frequent before a consonant, is
found in the best MSS.

XI. Indigenae an advecti. Cf. note, G. 2: indigenas.

Ut inter barbaros, sc. fieri solet. Cf. ut in licentia, G. 2; and ut
inter Germanos, G. 30.

Rutilae--asseverant. Cf. the description of the Germans, G. 4. The
inhabitants of Caledonia are of the same stock as the other Britons. The
conclusion, to which our author inclines below, viz. that the Britons
proceeded from Gaul, is sustained by the authority of modern
ethnologists. The original inhabitants of Britain are found, both by
philological and historical evidence, to have belonged to the Celtic or
Cimmerian stock, which once overspread nearly the whole of central
Europe, but were overrun and pushed off the stage by the Gothic or German
Tribes, and now have their distinct representatives only in the Welsh,
the Irish, the Highland Scotch, and a few similar remnants of a once
powerful race in the extreme west of the continent and the islands of the
sea. Cf. note on the Cimbri, G. 37.

Silurum. The people of Wales.

Colorati vultus. Dark complexion. So with the poets, colorati Indi,
Seres, Etrusci, &c.

Hispania. Nom. subject of faciunt, with crines, &c.

Iberos. Properly a people on the Iberus (Ebro), who gave their name to
the whole Spanish Peninsula. They belonged to a different race from the
Celtic, or the Teutonic, which seems once to have inhabited Italy and
Sicily, as well as parts of Gaul and Spain. A dialect is still spoken in
the mountainous regions about the Bay of Biscay, and called the Basque or
Biscayan, which differs from any other dialect in Europe. Cf. Prichard's
Physical Researches, vol. III. chap. 2.

Proximi Gallis. Cf. Caes. B.G. 5, 14: Ex his omnibus longe sunt
humanissimi, qui Cantium (Kent) incolunt, quae regio est maritima omnis,
neque multum a Gallica differunt consuetudine. Et--also: those nearest
the Gauls are also like them.

Durante vi. Either because the influence of a common origin still
continues, etc.

Procurrentibus--terris. Or because their territories running out towards
one another, literally, in opposite directions, Britain towards the
south and Gaul towards the north, so as to approach each other. See Rit.,
Död. in loc., and Freund ad diversus.

Positio--dedit. The idea of similarity being already expressed in
similes, is understood here: their situation in the same climate
(coelo) has given them the same personal appearance.

Aestimanti. Indef. dat. after credibile est, cf. note, G. 6.

Eorum refers to the Gauls. You (indef. subject, cf. quiescas, G. 36)
may discover the religion of the Gauls (among the Britons) in their full
belief of the same superstitions. So Caes. B.G. 6, 13: disciplina in
Britannia reperta atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur; and
he adds, that those who wished to gain a more perfect knowledge of the
Druidical system still went from Gaul to Britain to learn. Sharon Turner
thinks, the system must have been introduced into Britain from the East
(perhaps India) by the Phenicians, and thence propagated in Gaul. His.
Ang. Sax., B. 1, chap. 5.

Persuasione. See the same use of the word, His. 5, 5: eademque de
infernis persuasio.

In--periculis. The same sentiment is expressed by Caesar (B.G. 3, 19).

Ferociae. In a good sense, courage, cf. 31: virtus ac ferocia.

Praeferunt==prae se ferunt, i.e. exhibit.

Ut quos. Ut qui, like qui alone, is followed by the subj. to express
a reason for what precedes. It may be rendered by because or since
with the demonstrative. So quippe cui placuisset, 18. Cf. Z. 565 and H.
519, 3.

Gallos floruisse. Cf. G. 28.

Otio. Opposed to bellis, peace.--Amissa virtute. Abl. abs. denoting
an additional circumstance. Cf. 2: expulsis--professoribus, note.--
Olim limits victis.

XII. Honestior. The more honorable (i.e. the man of rank) is the
charioteer, his dependents fight (on the chariot). The reverse was true
in the Trojan War.

Factionibus trahuntur==distrahuntur in factiones. Dr., and Or. T. is
fond of using simple for compound verbs. See note 22; also numerous
examples in the Index to Notes on the Histories.

Civitatibus. Dat. for Gen.--Pro nobis. Abl. with prep. for dat.
Enallage. R.--Conventus. Convention, meeting.

Coelum--foedum. The fog and rain of the British Isles are still
proverbial.--Dierum spatia, etc. Cf. Caes. 513.

Quod si==and if. From the tendency to connect sentences by relatives
arose the use of quod before certain conjunctions, particularly si,
merely as a copulative. Cf. Z. 807. also Freund sub v. The fact alleged
in this sentence is as false as the philosophy by which it is explained
in the next, cf. G. 45: in ortus, note.

Scilicet--cadit. This explanation proceeds on the assumption that night
is caused by the shadow of mountains, behind which the sun sets; and
since these do not exist in that level extremity of the earth, the sun
has nothing to set behind, and so there is no night. The astronomy of T.
is about of a piece with his natural philosophy, cf. 10.--Extrema--
terrarum. Cf. note, 6: inania honoris.

Non erigunt, lit. do not elevate the darkness, i.e. do not cast their
shadow so high (infraque--cadit), as the sky and the stars; hence they
are bright (clara) through the night!! Pliny also supposed the heavens
(above the moon) to be of themselves perpetually luminous, but darkened
at night by the shadow of the earth. N.H. 2, 7.

Praeter. Beyond. Hence either besides or except. Here the latter.--
Fecundum. More than patiens, fruitful even.--Proveniunt. Ang. come
forward.

Fert--aurum, etc. This is also affirmed by Strabo, 4, 5, 2, but denied
by Cic. ad Att., 4, 16, 7, and ad Div., 7, 7. The moderns decide in favor
of T. and Strabo, though it is only in inconsiderable quantities that
gold and silver have ever been found in Britain.

Margarita. The neuter form of this word is seldom used, never by
Cicero. See Freund sub v.

Rubro mari. The Red Sea of the Greeks and Romans embraced both the
Arabian and the Persian Gulfs; and it was in the latter especially, that
pearls were found, as they are to this day. Cf. Plin. N.H. 9, 54:
praecipue laudantur (margaritae) in Persico sinu maris rubri. For an
explanation of the name (Red Sea), see Anthon's Classical Dictionary.

Expulsa sint. Cast out, i.e. ashore, by the waves. Subj. in a
subordinate clause of the oratio obliqua. H. 531; Z. 603.

Naturam--avaritiam. A very characteristic sentence, both for its
antithesis and its satire.

XIII. Ipsi Britanni. Ipsi marks the transition from the country to the
people, cf. ipsos Germanos, G. 2.

Obeunt properly applies only to munera, not to tributa and
delectum, which would require tolerant or some kindred verb. Zeugma.
H. 704, I. 2; Z. 775.

Igitur==now. In the first sentence of the section the author has
indicated his purpose to speak of the people of Britain. And now in
pursuance of that design, he goes back to the commencement of their
history, as related to and known by the Romans. Cf. note, G. 28.

Divus. Cf. note, G. 28: D. Julius. For Julius Caesar's campaigns in
Britain, see Caes. B.G. 4, 21. seq.; 5, 5. seq.; Strabo, Lib. 4, &c.

Consilium. His advice (to his successor). See Ann. 1, 11.--
Praeceptum. A command (of Augustus, which Tib. affected to hold
sacred). Ann. 1, 77; 4, 37.

C. Caesarem. Caligula, cf. 4, note.--Agitasse, etc. cf. 39. His. 4,
15; Suet. Calig. 44.

Ni--fuissent. Cf. Ni, 4, note. The ellipsis may be supplied thus: he
meditated an invasion of Brit. and would have invaded it, had he not
been velox ingenio, etc. But in idiomatic Eng. ni==but. Of course
fuisset is to be supplied with velox ingenio and mobilis
poenitentiae. Al. poenitentia. But contrary to the MSS. Mobilis agrees
with poenitentiae (cf. Liv. 31, 32: celerem poenitentiam), which is a
qualifying gen. Gr. 211. R. 6. Lit. of repentance easy to be moved.
Render: fickle of purpose.

Auctor operis. Auctor fuit rei adversus Britannos gerendae et feliciter
gestae. Dr. See on the same subject Suet. Claud. 17.--Assumpto
Vespasiano, cf. Suet Vesp. 4. II. 3, 44.

Quod--fuit. Vespasian's participation in the war against Brit. was the
commencement of his subsequent brilliant fortunes.

Monstratus fatis, i.e. a fatis, by the fates. The expression is
borrowed perhaps from Virg. Aen. 6, 870: Ostendent terris hunc tantum
fata.

XIV. Consularium. Cf. note on it, 8.--Aulus Plautius. Ann. 13, 32;
Dio. 60, 19.--Ostorius Scapula. Ann. 12, 31-39.--Proxima, sc. Romae.

Veteranorum colonia. Camolodunum. Ann. 12, 32. Now Colchester. Dr.--Et
reges. Kings also, i.e. besides other means.--Ut vetere, etc. So in
the MSS. and earliest editions. Rhenanus transferred ut to the place
before haberet which it occupies in the common editions. But no change
is necessary. Render: that in accordance with their established custom,
the Roman people might have kings also as the instruments of reducing
(the Britons) to slavery.

Didius Gallus. Cf. Ann. 12, 40: arcere hostem satis habebat.--Parta a
prioribus. The acquisitions (conquests) of his predecessors.

Aucti officii. Of enlarging the boundaries of his government. Officium
is used in a like sense, Caes. B.C. 3, 5: Toti officio maritimo
praepositus, etc. So Wr.; Or. and Död. understand by it going beyond
the mere performance of his duty. It was his duty to protect his
province: he enlarged it.--Quaereretur. Subj. in a relative clause
denoting a purpose. H. 500; Z. 567.

Veranius. Ann. 14, 29.--Paullinus. Ann. 14, 29-30.

Monam insulam. Now Anglesey. But the Mona of Caesar is the Isle of
Man, called by Pliny Monapia. The Mona of T. was the chief seat of the
Druids, hence ministrantem vires rebellibus, for the Druids animated
and led on the Briton troops to battle. T. has given (Ann. 14, 30) a very
graphic sketch of the mixed multitude of armed men, women like furies,
and priests with hands uplifted in prayer, that met Paullinus on his
landing, and, for a time, well nigh paralyzed his soldiers with dismay.
In the same connexion, he speaks also of the human sacrifices and other
barbarous rites, which were practised by our Briton Fathers in honor of
their gods.

XV. Interpretando. By putting their own, i.e. the worst construction
upon them.

Ex facili==facile. A frequent form of expression in T., ad Graecorum
consuetudinem. Dr. See R. Exc. 24.

Singulos--binos. Distributives==one for each tribe--two for each
tribe.

Aeque--aeque. Like Greek correlatives; alike fatal to their subjects
in either case. So [Greek: homoios men] and [Greek: homoios de], Xen.
Mem. 1, 6, 13; Plat. Symp. 181. C.

Alterius manus centuriones, alterius servos. This is the reading of the
latest editions (Dr. Wr. Or. and R.), and the best MSS., though the MSS.
differ somewhat: Centurions, the hands (instruments) of the one, and
servants, the hands of the other, added insult to injury. For the use
of manus in the above sense, reference is made to Cic. in Ver. 2, 10,
27: Comites illi tui delecti manus erant tuae. So the centurions of
the legate and the servants of the procurator are said by our
author to have robbed the Briton King Prasutagus of his kingdom and his
palace, Ann. 14, 31, which is the best commentary on the passage before
us.

Ab ignavis. By the feeble and cowardly. Antithetic to fortiorem. In
battle, it is the braver that plunders us; but now (it is a special
aggravation of our sufferings, that) by the feeble and cowardly, &c. So
in contempt, they call the veterans, cf. 14: veteranorum colonia; 32:
senum colonia.

Tantum limits pro patria; as if it was for their country only they
knew not how to die.

Si sese, etc., i.e. in comparison with their own numbers.

Patriam--parentes, sc. causas belli esse.

Recessisset. Observe the subj. in the subordinate clauses of the oratio
obliqua throughout this chapter. H. 531; Z. 603.

Neve--pavescerant. This verb would have been an imperative in the
oratio recta, Z. 603, c. Neve is appropriate either to the imp. or the
subj.

XVI. Instincti, i.e. furore quodam afflati. Dr. For a fuller account
of this revolt, see Ann. 14, 31-38; Dio. 62, 1-13.

Boudicea. Wife of Prasutagus, king of the Iceni. When conquered, she
ended her life by poison, Ann. 14, 37.

Expugnatis praesidiis. Having stormed the fortresses. The force of ex
in this word is seen in that it denotes the actual carrying of a place
by assault, whereas oppugnatus only denotes the assault itself. So
[Greek: ek-poliorkaetheis]==taken in a siege, [Greek:
poliorkaetheis]==besieged.

Ipsam coloniam. Cf. note 14: veteranorum colonia.

In barbaris==qualis inter barbaros esse solet. R. Exc. 25.

Ira et victoria. Hendiadys. Render: Nor did they in the excitement of
victory omit, etc. So Dr. R. and Wr. Ira may, however, refer to their
long cherished resentment. Ira causam, victoria facultatem explendae
saevitiae denotat. Rit.--Quod nisi. And had not, etc. Cf. note, 12:
quod si.

Patientiae. Most Latin authors would have said: ad patientiam. R.
Patientia here==submission.

Tenentibus--plerisque. Though many still retained, i.e. did not lay
down their arms.

Propius. Al. proprius. But that is purely conjectural. Adv. for adj.,
cf. ultra, 8; longe, 6==propior, like the propior cura of Ovid.
Metamor. 13, 578. Render: a more urgent fear. Some would connect
propius with agitabat notwithstanding its remote position.

Suae quoque. His own also, sc. as well as that of the Empire.

Durius, sc. aequo. H. 444, 1. cf. 4: acrius, note.

Delictis--novus. A stranger to their faults. Cf. Sil. Ital. 6, 254:
novusque dolori. Wr. Cf. Böt. Lex. Tac. Dativus.

Poenitentiae mitior, i.e. mitior erga poenitentiam, or facilior erga
poenitentes. Poenitentiae dat. of object.

Compositis prioribus. Having restored things to their former quiet
state.

Nullis--experimentis. Undertaking no military expeditions. Or.--
Castrorum. Cf. 5, note.

Comitate--tenuit. "Retained the province by a popular manner of
administering the government." Ky.--Curandi. Note, H. 1, 52.

Ignoscere. Properly not to notice, hence to view with indulgence, to
indulge in.

Vitiis blandientibus. The reference is to the luxurious and vicious
pleasures of the Romans, which enervated the Britons, cf. 21, at close,
where the idea is brought out more fully.

Cum--lasciviret. Cum==since. Hence the subj.

Precario. Cf. note, G. 44.--Mox, cf. note 4.

Velut pacti implies a tacit compact. It was understood between them,
that the army were to enjoy their liberty; the general, his life. Supply
sunt with pacti. Död. and Wr. supply essent; but they read haec
for et before seditio contrary to the best MSS.

Et seditio. Et==and so. Al. haec seditio.

Stetit. Not stopped, but stood, as in our phrase: stood them in so
much. So Ovid: Multo sanguine--victoria stetit. And T. His. 3, 53:
Majore damno--veteres civium discordias reipublicae stetisse. Render:
cost no blood. Dr.

Petulantia. Insubordination.--Nisi quod, but, cf. 6.

Bolanus. If the reader wishes to know more of the officers named in
this chapter, for Turpilianus, see Ann. 14, 39. His. 1, 6; Trebellius,
His. 1, 60; Bolanus, Ann. 15, 3. His. 2, 65. 79.

Caritatem--auctoritatis. "Had conciliated affection as a substitute
for authority." Ky.

XVII. Recuperavit. Al. reciperavit. The two forms are written
indiscriminately in the MSS. The word may express either the recovery of
what was lost, or the restoration to health of what was diseased. Either
would make a good sense here. Cf. chap. 5; also Cic. Phil. 14, 13:
republica recuperata. Or. renders acquired again, sc. what had
previously belonged, as it were, to him, rather than to the bad emperors
who had preceded him.

Petilius Cerialis. Cf. note, 8.--Brigantum. Cf. H. 3, 45; Ann. 12,
32. Their territory embraced Cumberland, Westmoreland, Lancashire, Durham
and Yorkshire.

Aut victoria aut bello, i.e. either received their submission after
the victory, or involved them in the calamities of war. Aut--aut
generally adversative==either--or on the contrary. Vel--vel only
disjunctive==whether--or. Cf. note on vel--vel, G. 15.

Alterius. Another, than Julius Frontinus, i.e. by implication, one
different from him, less brave and great. Cf. His. 2, 90: tanquam
apud alterius civitatis senatum; 3, 13, note. Alius is the word usually
appropriated to express this idea. Alter generally implies a
resemblance between contrasted objects. See Freund, ad v.

Obruisset--sustinuit. These words primarily refer to physical energies,
and are exactly counterpart==crushed--sustained.

Quantum licebat limits vir magnus: as great a man, as it was
permitted him to be, restricted as he was in his resources, perhaps by
the parsimony of the Emperor. On Julius Frontinus, cf. H. 4, 39. He was
the friend of Pliny the Younger (Plin. Ep. 9, 19) and therefore probably
of Tacitus. His books on Stratagems, and on the Aqueducts of Rome are
still extant.--Super, over and above, i.e. besides.

XVIII. Agentem, sc. excubias or stationem==stationed in, cf. His. 1,
47: copias, quae Lugduni agebant. Ala. Cf. note, H. 1, 54.

Ordovicum civitas. Situated over against the Island Mona, north of the
Silures, i.e. in the northern part of what is now Wales.

Ad--verterentur. Were turning themselves (middle sense) towards,
i.e. looking to or for. Occasionem. An opportunity, sc. to attack the
Romans in their security. Al. uterentur.

Quibus--erat. They who wished for war. Greek idiom for qui bellum
volebant. See Kühner's Greek Gram. 284, 10, c., cf. His. 3, 43:
volentibus fuit, etc., and note, ibid. In Latin, the idiom occurs chiefly
in Sallust and T. See Z. 420, and H. 387, 3.

Ac--opperiri. Al. aut by conjecture. But ac==ac tamen, and yet. Cf.
Ann. 1, 36: exauctorari--ac retineri sub vexillo.

Transvecta. Al. transacta. Cf. His. 2, 76: abiit et transvectum est
tempus. Only T. uses the word in reference to time.

Numeri==cohortes or manipuli, cf. His. 1, 6: multi numeri. This use of
the word is post-Augustan. Cf. note, His. 1, 6.

Tarda et contraria. In appos. with the foregoing clauses==
circumstances calculated to retard and oppose him in commencing war.

Plerisque, sc. of the inferior officers. They thought it best that
those parts of the country, whose fidelity was questionable (suspecta)
should be secured by garrisons (custodiri). Potius is an adj. and
goes with videbatur==it seemed preferable.

Legionum vexillis. Some understand this of veteran soldiers who had
served out their time (twenty years), but were still sub vexillis (not
dismissed). So R. and W. Others of parts of the legions detached for a
season sub vexillis (under separate standards). So Gronovius. The word
seems to be used in both senses. See note, H. 1, 31.

In aequum. Into the plain. Aequus, prim. level, hence aequor, sea.

Erexit aciem. Led his troops up the steep. So His. 3, 71: erigunt aciem
per adversum collem.